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Title: An Essay Towards Regulating the Trade - And Employing the Poor of this Kingdom
Author: Cary, John
Language: English
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AN

ESSAY

Towards

Regulating the TRADE,

AND

Employing the Poor of this

KINGDOM.

The Second Edition.

Whereunto is Added,

An ESSAY Towards

Paying off the Publick Debts.

By John Cary, Esq;

LONDON:

Printed by S. COLLINS in the Old-Baily, and Publish’d by SAM.
MABBAT in Holbourn-Court in Grays-Inn. MDCCXIX.



ERRATA.


Pag. 22. line 28. between the Words (Stuffs) and the word (which) add
the Word (Imported.) p. 31. i. l. 31. for the Word (If) r. (In) p.
90. l. 24. instead of (a made) r. (made a) p. 115. in the Marginal
Note, instead of (Wives) r. (Widdows.) p. 131. l. 33. instead of
(Engaged) r. (Enacted.) p. 160. l. 30. instead of (what is) r. (is
what).



TO

The Right Honourable

Spencer Compton, Esq;

SPEAKER,

And to the Honourable the Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses, of this
Present Parliament of Great-Britain, Assembled.

May it Please your Honours,


THE First Edition of this little Tract, Relating to Trade, the Poor,
was Humbly Dedicated to his Royal Highness the Prince of Wales, when
Governor of the South-Sea Company, which I then thought, as I still
do, might be of Service to the Nation, by alluring the Heir to the
Crown, into an Early Liking of Trade, and Setting before him the
Advantages that Accrue from it, with the Methods whereby it may be
Improved; and therefore I Contracted it into a Narrow Compass, to
Encourage his Reading it.

THIS Second Edition, whereto I have added some Sure and Practicable
Methods, for Discharging the Publick Debts of the Nation, with most
Ease to the People, I humbly Present to this Honourable House; If it
may be Usefull in your Debates, I shall think my self very Happy.

’TIS the Ballance of our Trade, that Supplies us with Bullion; if
That be in our Favour, it brings it to us, if Otherwise, it must be
Carried away.

THIS Ballance is Supported by our Manufactures, which keep our People
at Work, and Enable them to Maintain themselves by their own Labour,
who must else Stand still, and become a Charge on our Lands; and
therefore I humbly Conceive it to be our Interest, First, to
Encourage their being worn at Home, and then to give a Preference to
such things, as are Purchased for them Abroad, Rather than to those,
which are Bought for Bullion; And if our Trade was well Regulated, we
should soon become the Richest, and consequently the Greatest, People
in Europe.

I have made some Essay at such Methods, as I doubt not, being
Improved by your Wisdoms, and Strengthened by your Authority, may
Tend very much to the Effecting this great Work; And I humbly Offer
the Six Propositions following, as so many Fundamentals, Necessary,
for the better Ordering of our Trade, the Discharging of our Publick
Debts, and Supporting the Credit of the Kingdom, whereby His Majesty
will be Rendred more Glorious, both at Home and Abroad.

THE First is, a Committee of Trade, Made up of such Men as are well
Verst in the true Principles whereon it is Founded, and thereby
Enabled to make right Representations of such things, as shall be
Referred to them by the Parliament; who, Holding their Places,
according as they are thought Capable of Performing them, will be
Carefull to Execute those Trusts with Judgment, Honour and Honesty.

THE Second is, a Due Inspection into the Affairs of the Poor, and
putting an End to that Pernicious Trade of Begging, which I can
Assure this Honourable House, from the Experience we have had in
their Regulation at Bristol, may be done, and that the Poor may be
Trained up to an Early Delight in Labour; The Means and Methods
whereby That was Accomplished, though at first thought Impracticable,
I have set forth in the Appendix. pag. 143.

THE Third is, the Keeping of our own Wooll at Home, and Preventing
the Wooll of Ireland from being Transported any where else, save to
this Kingdom only; which I am Persuaded can never be done, by any
other Method, but by a Register, and that That will effectually do
it; towards which I have made an Essay in the following Treatise.

THE Fourth is, the Encouraging the Linnen-Manufacture in Ireland;
’Tis not Easy to Comprehend the Advantages that will thence arise
to both Kingdoms, when Each of them shall be fully Employed, on a
Distinct Manufacture; The Hands that are now kept at Work there, on
the Spinning of Wooll, might be then Turned to Linnen, and a great
Part of their Lands would be taken up, in Raising Flax and Hemp, for
which they are very Proper; and then a Stop might be put to the
Importation of those Great Quantities of Worsted and Woollen Yarn
thence, so Pernicious to the Poor of this Kingdom, the Spinning
whereof, if Imported in Wooll, would amount to many Thousand Pounds
per Annum, to be Divided amongst them; And it is Certain, that
Spinning is the most Profitable Part of the Woollen-Manufacture,
because it is done by Women and Children, who can no otherwise be
Employed.

IN the Year 1704, I was Desired by the Ministry, to give my Thoughts
of such an Undertaking, which I then did, and Printed some
Considerations Relating thereto, Adapted for that time, which I have
added in the Appendix, pag. 187.

NOR can This be any Prejudice to the Linnens of North-Britain, being
of quite different Sorts; which should also for many Reasons be
Encouraged, by such Means and Methods, as on due Consideration may be
thought proper.

THE Fifth is, the Carrying on the Fishery, which Deserves all the
Encouragement the Legislature can give it; and I think the Readiest
way to do it, is, by Incorporating such Societies, as are willing to
set upon it with Joint Stocks, but not Exclusive to any others, which
will Promote Industry, and Shut out Stock-Jobbing, the Bane of so
many Good Undertakings.

THE Sixth, and indeed the Foundation of all the Rest, is, the
Establishing a Substantial Credit, Large enough to Answer all the
Occasions of the Nation, both Publick and Private, which is the Wheel
whereon all the Rest must Turn, and whereby, not only the Trade of
the Kingdom, but also the Occasions of the Government, may be
Supplied, and the Publick Debts gradually Sunk, by a Good Management;
and This, I Humbly Conceive, cannot be Setled any other way, but on a
Parliamentary Foundation, any thing less, will be too Narrow.

IN the Year 1696, I made some Essay towards such a Credit, which I
then Presented to both Houses of Parliament, and have now Incerted it
in the Appendix, Pag. 165. But the Bank of England, having about that
time Furnished his Majesty with a Considerable Sum of Money, then
very much wanted, for the present Payment of the Army, which the
Ministry could not otherwise have Raised, though they Approved of the
Projection, were Unwilling to Disoblige at that Juncture, by Setting
up any thing like theirs, and so that Matter Slept then, as it had
ever done, if I had not Observed, that the Famous Mr. Laws had drawn
a Scheme from it, for the Service of France, as near as the
Constitution of that Kingdom will admit; Not that I think it can be
Lasting, the Foundation being laid on Sand; Yet it hath Served the
Present Occasion, to Pay off the Debts of that Nation, by an
Incredible Stock-Job, which must in all Probability, End in Confusion
and Discontent.

NOTHING can Support a National Credit, but a Steady Government, where
the Arbitrary Will of a Prince, cannot withdraw, or Lessen the
Security at his Pleasure; and had such a One been then Established
here, in all Probability, we bad been severall Millions less in Debt,
and not felt that Heavy Load of Taxes, which hath Opprest our Lands,
and Injured our Trade; Nor do I think those Debts can be Discharged
by any other way, Private Men now carrying off those Profits, which
should Sink them by Degrees.

THE Advantages of a National Bank, and the Good Effects it will have,
in this Free Government, towards the Lessening our National
Incumbrances, will plainly Appear, when it is Considered, that One
Hundred Pounds Borrowed, will Circulate Two, besides it self, and
thereby Reduce the Interest, to One Third Part of what is paid to the
Lender, but if it Circulates Three, then to a Quarter, and it may be,
to much Less, according as a Bank hath Credit, and is found Usefull.

BY this Rule, if the Publick Pays Four per Cent. for Interest, it may
by Circulation be Reduced to One, and there is no Doubt, but that a
Well-Constituted Bank, will be soon Fill’d with Money at that Rate;
the great Ground of Buying and Selling Stocks being, the Vast Sums of
Money which lye Dead on Mens Hands, who hope thereby to make some
Profit, but would be Glad to Dispose of it, on a Substantial
Security, at a Moderate Interest; Besides the Advantage it will be to
Widdows and Orphans, whose Money would be Safely Lodged, and bring
them in a Certain Income, for their Maintenance; And here will be no
Room left for Stock-Jobbing, which hath now gotten such a Footing,
even into our Publick Affairs, that the Parliament doth not give a
Land-Tax or a Lottery, where the Subscriptions to it are not Ingrost,
by those who have not Money, in Order to make an Advantage, by
Selling them to such as have, besides the Vast Charge in the
Management of Lotteries.

AND as to Trade, the Bank of England hath been very Serviceable to
this Great Metropolis, by making a Little Money serve the Uses of a
Great Deal, but the Benefit thereof hath Extended no farther; And why
other Cities, and indeed the whole Kingdom, should not have the same
Advantage, (which it will, if a National Bank be Established, and
Chambers Setled where Desired,) I cannot Conceive.

AND here I must Refer to the Appendix, for the better Illustrating
the Benefit thereof, and the Manner of its Institution, as then
Intended, which must now admit of several Alterations.

IF such a Bank were Setled, the Charge of Managing it would be very
little, and the Kingdom might grow Richer some Millions every Year,
and the Government have an Addition to its Security, by drawing the
Cash of other Nations hither, whose Interest would thereby become
Interwoven with Ours; and Our Manufactures would be Encouraged, by a
Flux of Money, which is the Life of Trade; and This, with the
Easiness of our Government, would bring the Monied Men of Europe to
Settle here, which would be an Addition to our Wealth; The Trader
might hence be Supplied, with such Sums of Money, as he shall want,
and for so long time only, as he shall have Occasion to use it;
whereby the Fishery, and other Good Undertakings, may be Encouraged,
and our Wooll be certainly kept at Home; and the Gentlemen of England
may be hence Furnished with Money at the Common Interest, and be
Permitted to make their Payments, by such Parts, as they can best
spare it; the Want of which is now such a Clog upon their Estates,
that it destroys many Good Families; who, when they are once gotten
into the Usurers Books, can find no way to get out, till they have
Paid the whole Debt at once, so that their Estates are devoured, by
Procuration and Continuation.

NOR is it hereby Intended to put a Force upon any Man; ’twill be
the Interest of the Lender to put his Money into this Bank, where he
hath so certain a Security, and of the Bank to take it in; and on the
other Side, it will be the Interest of the Bank to Furnish Money on
the Terms here Mentioned, and of the Borrower to Receive it; and this
Single thing, will in time bring so great a Profit to the Publick, as
will very much Sink the Debts of the Nation, whilst a Common
Advantage is Interwoven with it.

NEITHER will this break in on the Priviledges Granted to the Bank of
England, by Act of Parliament; for though they are allowed to Lend
Money to the Government, on the Terms therein Mentioned, yet the
Government hath not bound up it self, from Borrowing of any Others,
and making their Payments in such a Manner, as shall be thought most
Advantagious to the Nation.

IF any Objections (not grounded on Private Interest) shall be made to
what I have here Offered, I believe a Satisfactory Answer may be
given to them, if this Honourable House shall think what I have
Written, Worth their Consideration.

ALL I shall further add is, that it can scarce be Matter of Doubt,
but that most Men will Part with their Securities on Private Funds,
and Rely on the General Credit of the Nation, though at a Lower
Interest, whereby those Funds will by Degrees, become a part of the
General Security, which, with what New Taxes shall be given, will be
so Helpfull in Circulation, that it will be next to Impossible, for
the most Malicious Projectors, to Lessen the Credit of such a Bank,
or to make a Run upon it; and those Taxes that are Heaviest on the
Poor, and most Injurious to our Manufactures, may be taken off: And
there will be this farther Advantage, that the several Offices, who
are Entrusted to Buy for the Use of the Publick, according to such
Sums of Money, as shall from time to time be Appropriated by the
Parliament, will be Enabled to Purchase all things on the Lowest
Terms, when their Bills on this Bank, shall be as Punctually
Discharged, at the time when they become Due, as if they were Bills
of Exchange, and in the mean time pass from Man to Man in Payment,
which will be an Addition to the Cash of the Nation, whereby a great
deal will be Saved in what they Lay out; and Men of Industry, but of
Small Stocks, will be Enabled to deal with the Government, which now
they cannot do; and will Endeavour who shall Supply it on the Best
Terms, when by such Payments, they shall be Furnished, to go to
Market again; And the Debts of the Nation will be so Incorporated
therewith, that it will be every Man’s Interest to Support its
Credit; and the Eye of a Parliament, which hath Power to make
Examples of Offenders, who through Fraud or Malice, shall Offer
Violence thereto, will be sufficient to Deter, from such Evil
Practices.

    I am,

    With all Dutiful Respect,

    Your Honours

    Most Obedient

    Servant,

    John Cary.



AN

ESSAY

TOWARDS

Regulating the TRADE,

AND

Employing the POOR

OF THIS

KINGDOM.


[Sidenote: Of Trade in General.]

IN Order to discover, whether a Nation gets or loses by its Trade,
’tis necessary first to enquire into the Principles whereon it is
built; for Trade hath its Principles, as other Sciences have, and as
difficult to be understood: But when they are, ’tis easy to
discover whether a Nation gets or loses by its Management, and
without this, we are not capable of making any true Judgment, it
being possible for the Publick to grow Poor, whilst private Persons
encrease their Fortunes.

The Design of this little Treatise is to dissect and lay open the
Trade of this Kingdom, as it is now driven, that so those Branches
that shall appear to be Profitable may be Encourag’d, and those
that are Otherwise may be Amended.

The Profits of this Kingdom arise from its Product and Manufactures
at Home, and from the Growths of those several Plantations it hath
settled Abroad, and from the Fish taken on the Coasts, all which
being raised by the Industry of the People, are both its true Riches,
and the Tools whereby it Trades to other Nations, the Products coming
from the Earth, and the Manufacturing of them being an Addition to
their Value by the Labour of the People; now where we Barter these
things abroad for such as are only fit to be Eat and Drank, or are
wasted among ourselves, tho’ one Man may get by the Luxury of
another, yet the Wealth of the Kingdom doth not encrease: But it is
otherwise where we change them for Bullion, or for Commodities fit to
be manufactur’d again.

[Sidenote: Its Original.]

The first Original of Trade both Domestic and Foreign was Barter,
when one private Person, having an Overplus of such Things as his
Neighbour wanted, furnish’d him therewith for their Value in such
whereof the Other had Plenty, but he stood in need of; the same, when
one Nation abounding in those Products which another wanted,
supply’d it therewith, and received for them Things equally
necessary in their stead: And by how much the Products of any Nation
exceeded its Wants, by so much it grew richer, the Remainder being
sold for Bullion, or some Staple Commodity, allow’d by all to have
an intrinsick Value.

And as People encreased, so did Commerce, which caused many to go off
from Husbandry to Manufactures and other Ways of Living, for
Convenience whereof they began Communities; This was the Original of
Towns, which being found necessary for Trade, their Inhabitants
encreased by Expectation of Profit; This introduced Foreign Trade, or
Traffick with neighbouring Nations; and this a Desire to settle
rather on some Navigable Rivers, than in remote Inland Places,
whereby they might be more easily supply’d from the Country with
Commodities fit to export, and disperse thither those they had
imported from abroad.

[Sidenote: The Trade of this Kingdom.]

I shall now take the Trade of this Kingdom, as it is divided into
Domestick and Foreign, and consider each, and how they are
advantagious to the Nation, and may be made more so.

[Sidenote: Inland Trade.] [Sidenote: Buying & Selling.]

The Domestick or Inland Trade consists either in Husbandry,
Manufactures, or Buying and Selling; the last of which, whereby one
Man lives by the Profit he makes by another, brings no Advantage to
the Publick; Peoples Occasions requiring Commodities to be retail’d
to them in such small Quantities as would fit their Necessities, they
were willing to allow a Profit to him who bought them in greater; and
as this sort of Traffick came more in use, so the first Buyers, not
only sold their Commodities to the Consumers in the Places where they
dwelt, but also to others, who being seated in the Country at a
Distance, made an Advantage by supplying the Inhabitants there: This
begat the Ingrossing Commodities, and thence arose Skill and Cunning
to foresee their Rise and Falls, according to their Consumption and
Prospect of Supply. Hence came the Viciating our Manufactures, every
one endeavouring to underbuy, that he might undersell his Neighbour;
Which way of Living being found in time to have less Labour and more
Profit than Husbandry and Manufactures, was the Reason so many fell
into it.

From these Bargains Differencies arising, encouraged another Sort of
People, whose Business it was, either by their Wisdoms to persuade,
or by their Knowledge in the Laws to compel, the unjust Persons to do
Right to their Fellow-Traders (an Honourable Employment at the first,
and is still so in those who keep to the strict Rules of its
Institution). Hence arose Attorneys, Sollicitors, and other Officers,
which were found necessary to attend on those Suits, and other
Services of the Law.

Trade brought Riches, and Riches Luxury; Luxury brought Sickness, and
Sickness wanted Physick; which required some to separate themselves
to study the Nature of Plants and Simples, as also of those several
Diseases which bring Men to their Ends, who for their Advice received
Gratuities from their Patients: These brought in Apothecaries and
Surgeons, as necessary Attendants to their Employments; all which
were maintained by keeping People in their Healths. Many also of ripe
Parts were fitted for the Service of the Church, others of the State;
great Numbers were employ’d in providing Necessaries of Meat,
Drink, and Apparel, others in fitting things for Delights and
Pleasures, and by this means, leaving Husbandry and Manufactures,
flockt off daily to Livelihoods, which tho’ useful and convenient
in their respective Stations, yet cannot be said to encrease the
Riches of this Nation, but to live by getting from one another;
Husbandry and Manufactures being the profitable Employments, out of
which it gathers its Wealth.

[Sidenote: Husbandry.]

The next Part of the Inland Trade of this Kingdom is Husbandry, which
anteceded Buying and Selling in point of time, tho’ the other is
treated of first in this Discourse; and this consists either in
Feeding or Tillage, by both which we raise great Store of Cattle,
Corn and Fruits, fit for the Food, Service, and Trade of the
Inhabitants.

[Sidenote: Feeding.]

To begin with Feeding: And here I might enumerate the various sorts
of Cattle raised and bred by the Care of the Husbandman, but those of
most Note with respect to our Trade are,

1. The Beef; which besides the Excellency of its Flesh for Food,
affords many Necessaries for our Trade, and is very serviceable in
Tillage; with this we both nourish our Inhabitants at home, victual
our Ships for foreign Voyages, and load them with the several
Manufactures wherewith it doth supply us; from the Milk we make
Butter and Cheese, from the Flesh Beef, from the Skin Leather, from
the Fat Tallow, and of the Horns several useful Necessaries; the
Overplus whereof above our own Consumption we export, and sell in
foreign Markets.

2. The Sheep; whose Golden Fleece being the _Primum_ of our
Woollen-Manufactures, does thereby employ Multitudes of our People;
which being of different Lengths and Fineness, makes them of various
sorts; whereof they afford us a yearly Crop whilst living, and at
their Deaths we have their Flesh and Skins; the first serves for our
Food, and of the last we make Things, fit to be used at Home, and
Traded with Abroad.

3. Horses; whose Labour is so necessary, that we can neither carry on
our Husbandry or Trade without them; besides their Fitness for War,
being accounted the boldest in the World; and for all these Uses are
transported Abroad; for the first, to our Plantations in _America_,
and for the last, to some of our Neighbouring Nations: But their
Flesh is of no Use, their Skins of little, the Leather made of them
being very ordinary, only the longest of their Hair is used in
Weaving.

There are sundry other sorts of Beasts, some whereof require no Care
in Raising, others little, such as the Stag, the Deer, the Rabbet,
the Hare, the Badger, the Goat, and many others, whose Skins are
necessary for our Trade, and useful in our Manufactures.

[Sidenote: Tillage.]

Tillage is that whereby we raise our Corn by turning up the Earth;
the several sorts whereof are Wheat, Rye, Barley, Pease, Beans,
Vetches, Oats, &c. which not only afford Nourishment to ourselves,
and the Beasts we use in Labour, but serve also for Trade; as they
give Employment to our People at home, and are transported Abroad,
more or less, according to the Overplus of our Expence, and the Want
of our Neighbours, besides the great Quantities us’d in our
Navigation.

These Products are all clear Profit to the Nation, being raised from
Earth and Labour; but their chief Advantages arise from their being
Exported, either in their own kinds, or when wrought up, the
Remainder, which is spent at Home, tending rather to supply our
Wants, than to advance our Wealth: Which Exports being more or less
according to the Price they bear in other Countries, and those
arising from the Proportion their Lands hold with ours in their
yearly Rents, are not so great in Specie, as when wrought up. Butter
is the chiefest, wherewith we supply several Foreign Markets, and did
formerly more, till by making it bad, and using Tricks to encrease
its Weight, we lost much of that Trade, and are now almost beaten out
of it by _Ireland_, which every year makes theirs better; besides,
they undersell us in the Price, as they do also in Beef, occasioned
by the low Rents of their Lands.

’Twas the Act of Prohibition made formerly in _England_, that first
usher’d them into a Foreign Trade, their sole Dependance before
that time being on our Markets, and from hence they were supplied
with what they wanted; but being thereby prohibited from bringing
hither their Cattle and other Provisions, they endeavoured to find a
Vent for them in other Markets, which they did with good Success, and
to more Advantage; the sweetness whereof gave a spring to their
Industry, and put them on the Woollen-Manufactures, which they also
vended where they exported their Provisions, till in time it became
so great and flourishing, as to give us Apprehensions it would
endanger ours.

[Sidenote: Corn.]

As for Corn; Foreign Markets are supplied therewith, both from
thence, and from the Islands of the _Azores_, cheaper than the Rents
of our Lands will admit; but our Plantations have still some
Dependance on us for our Product, and as the Lands of _Ireland_ rise
in their yearly Value, they will have more. We also raise
considerable Quantities of Hemp and Flax, both which are useful in
our Trade.

[Sidenote: Fruits.]

The other Fruits of the Earth, such as Apples, Pears, Cherries,
Plumbs, together with the Herbs and Plants, serve rather for Food and
Delight than for Trade: some Cider we do export; also Spirits raised
by the Distillers, both from some of these, and from Barly.

[Sidenote: Fish.]

On the Sea-Coast both of this Kingdom, and also of _Newfoundland_ and
_New-England_, are caught great Store of Cod-Fish, Herrings, and
Pilchards, which are saved, and sold in Foreign Markets.

[Sidenote: Minerals.]

Nor is this all the Product of our Earth, whose Womb being big with
Treasure, brings forth Lead, Tin, Copper, Calamy, Coal, Culm, Iron,
Allom, Coppetas, and sundry other Minerals, which are sold in Foreign
Markets, whither we send them: Besides a great Expectation we have
from a much richer and more valuable Discovery, lately made in that
Part of _Great-Britain_ called _Scotland_.

[Sidenote: Trees.]

Among the several Trees that adorn our Fields, the Oak, the Elm, and
the Ash, are the chiefest; these not only serve in Building our Ships
and Houses, but also furnish us with Materials, wherewith our
Artificers make many Things fit for Commerce: And it were much to be
wish’d, that better Care was taken to preserve our Timber, for the
Benefit of Posterity.

[Sidenote: Manufactures.]

The third Part of our Inland Trade is our Manufactures, whereby our
Products are improv’d in their Values, and made useful in sundry
manners, both for our selves and others, by the Labour of our People;
and fitted for such Services, as of their own Natures, without the
help of Art, they could not have been proper; and those to suit the
Necessities and Fancies, both of our own, and also of Foreign
Countries to which we Export them; where they yield a Price, not only
according to the true Value of the Materials and Labour, but an
Overplus according to the Necessity and Humour of the Buyers: And
this adds to the Profit, and encreases the Wealth of the Kingdom.

These Manufactures, as they employ Multitudes of our People in their
Making, so also in Exporting them, and Importing Foreign Materials to
be used with our own, such as Oyl, Dye-stuff, Silk, Wooll, Cotton,
Barillia and many others, which are either Manufactured here by
themselves, or workt up with our own Product.

[Sidenote: Sheep’s-Wooll.]

And first to begin with Sheep’s-Wooll, whereof either by it self,
or mixt with Silk or Linnen, we make Varieties of pretty Things, fit
for all Climates, and proper for the Wearing of both Sexes; wherein
the Invention and Imitation of our Workmen have been so great, that
they have out-done all that went before them. From a strong Cloth,
fit to keep out Cold in Winter, they have turn’d their hands to a
fine thin sort, which will scarce keep warm in Summer; from hence
they fell on Perpets, Serges, Crapes, Stuffs, Sayes, Ratoons,
Antherines, and many other Things, fit both for outward Garments, and
inward Linings; of various Colours, Stripes, and Flowers, some of
them so fine and pleasant, as scarce to be known from Silk: Besides
those Multitudes of coarser Cloths for the Poor; also Rugs, Blankets,
and all sorts of Furniture for Houses. And such a Progress have they
made in these Manufactures, that a Man may have his Picture wrought
at the Loom, with the same Exactness as if drawn with a Pencil; one
Work-man vying to excell another, they make Things to answer all
Occasions. And as for Arras and Tapestry, I believe it will be
allowed, that they do not fall short of those from whom they first
had the Art: Add to these, Hats, Stockings, and many other things,
which are both worn at home, and Exported abroad.

[Sidenote: Cotton-Wooll.]

The next material for the Manufactures is Cotton Wooll, which is now
become a great Imployment for the Poor, and so adds to the Wealth of
the Kingdom; This being curiously pickt and spun, makes Dimities,
Tapes, Stockings, Gloves, besides several things Wove fit for use, as
Wastcoats, Pettycoats, and Drawers, of different Stripes and
Finesses; and I doubt not the Workmen would equal the _East Indies_
for Callicoes, had they Encouragement; with all which we supply our
Plantations and other Foreign Markets, besides what serves for our
Consumption at Home.

[Sidenote: Hemp and Flax.]

Hemp and Flax are the Grounds for another Manufacture; for tho’
Weaving of Linnen is not so much used in _South Britain_, as of
Woollen, yet in _North Britain_ it is, and may be farther improved,
not so much by Laws to direct the Workmen in their making it, as by
apt Methods to Encourage them; and even in _South Britain_ several
Counties are imployed thereon, who not only supply themselves, but
furnish those bordering on them, with such Cloth as answers the ends
of French Linnens: Besides which, great Quantities of Ticking, of all
Finesses, Incle, Tapes, Sacking, Girtwhip, and many other things are
made thereof; also Cordage, Twine, Netts, with Multitudes of other
Manufactures, which Imploy the Poor, and bring by their Exports
Profit to the Nation; and I can not here omit Sail-cloth, wherein we
have made a wonderful Progress in a little time, at the Charge and
Expence of private Stocks, who deserve to be Encouraged.

[Sidenote: Glass.]

Glass is a Manufacture brought to so great a Perfection, that it
keeps many of our People at Work; and the Materials whereof it is
made being generally our own, and in themselves of small Value, costs
the Nation little, in comparison of what it formerly did, when we
fetcht it from _Venice_; the Noble Plate Glasses which we now make of
all sorts, both for Houses and Coaches, do greatly set forth the
Genius of our Workmen; besides the various sorts of Utensils made for
common use, fit for all the Occasions of a Family, which look almost
as well as Silver, and it would be better for the Nation that they
were more used in its stead; also the Glass for Windows, of different
Beauties; and Glass Bottles; all which find a greater Vent both at
Home and Abroad by their Cheapness.

[Sidenote: Earthen-Ware.]

And as for Earthen Ware, the Progress we have made therein is such,
as may give us Hopes, that Time will bring it to such a Perfection,
as to equal if not exceed the _Dutch_.

[Sidenote: Silk.]

Silk is another Material for a great Manufacture; which being brought
from Abroad Raw, we here Twist, Dye, and Weave into different
Goodnesses, both Plain, Striped, and Flowered, either by it self, or
mixt with Gold and Silver; so Richly Brocaded, that we exceed those
from whom we first had the Art; Besides great Quantities of Ribbons,
Silk Stockings, and other things, not only to serve our selves, but
also to Export.

[Sidenote: Distilling.]

Distilling is an Art so exceedingly improved, that had it not met
with discouraging Laws, ’twould by this Time have attained to a
very great Heigth, and brings great Profit to the Nation; for next to
making something out of nothing, is the making something that is
Valuable out of what would otherwise be worth nothing; therefore this
Art ought to have been handled Charily, to have been Trained up with
a great deal of Gentleness, and not loaded with Taxes in its Infancy,
by which means we were like to discourage it in the Begining; However
it hath still bore up under all the Weight laid upon it; ’Twas a
great mistake to appoint Measures by Act of Parliament to the
Distillers in their Workings; Mens Knowledge encreases by
Observation, and this is the Reason why one Age exceeds another in
any sort of Mistery, because they Improve the Notions of those who
went before them; Therefore confining the Distillers to Corn only,
was an Error, (’Tis true, other Things were allowed to be used, but
on such Terms and Restrictions, as were next to a Prohibition) who by
degrees would have made Experiments on that themselves, using it with
other Mixtures, and thereby drawing from it a cleaner Spirit than it
doth of it self afford, which they might in Time have rectified to
such a Fineness, as to have encreased very much its Use; No Kingdom
can give more Encouragement to Distilling than this, whose
Plantations being many, and well Peopled, where those Spirits are so
necessary, and useful for the Inhabitants, and these depending wholly
on us for all things, would have caused a Consumption of very great
Quantities, besides what is used in our Navigation; We have many
Materials of our own to Work on, such as are, Molosses, Cyder, Perry,
Barley, and others, all which in time they would have Used; for as
they found their Sales increased, they would have made New Essays; It
was a very wrong Step, to discourage Distilling from Molosses, Scum,
Tilts and Wash; an Error the _Dutch_, nor no Trading Nation, would
have been guilty of, and proceeded from Ill Advice given the
Parliament, by those, who under pretence of advancing Corn, designed
to discourage Distilling, only offered it by that handle they thought
it would be best received in the House; Trade and Lands go hand in
hand as to their Interest, if one Flourishes so will the other;
Incourage Distilling, and it will spend Hundreds of things now Thrown
away.

[Sidenote: Sugar-Baking.]

Refining of Sugars have given Imployment to our People, and added to
their Value in Foreign Markets, where we found great and profitable
Sales, till the _Dutch_ and _French_ beat us out, occasioned by the
Duty of 2 s. 4 d. _per Cent._ laid on Muscovado Sugars, 1 Jac. 2d. to
be drawn back at Exportation, whereby they were wrought up abroad
cheaper then they could be at home; but that Law being now Expired,
and the Parliament have since granted a draw back on Refined Sugars
when Shipt out, hath very much helpt that Manufacture.

[Sidenote: Tobacco.]

Tobacco also hath imployed our Poor by Cutting and Rowling it, both
for a home Consumption, and also for Exportation; but the latter is
lessen’d, as the Places, to which we used to export it, work it up
themselves.

[Sidenote: Tanning.]

Tanning of Leather is an Employment which deserves to be
encourag’d, because it furnishes us with a Commodity, fit to be
farther Manufactur’d at home, and also to be transported abroad; I
know the Exportation of Leather hath been much opposed by the
Shoemakers, and others who cut it at home, and represented as
attended with ill Consequences, one whereof is the making it dear;
but, Would it not be of much worse to confine and limit that
Employment to an Inland Expence? On the other side, would it not
naturally follow, that when Leather rises to a great Price, the
Exportation must cease, because _Ireland_ will undersell us? And
would it not seem an unreasonable discouragement to Trade, if
Tobacco, Sugar, and the Woollen Manufactures, were debarred from
being Exported, only because they should be sold cheaper at home? For
suppose the Occasions of the Nation could not consume all the Leather
that is made, to what a Low Price must Hides be reduced, for no other
Reason, but that the Shoemakers may get more by their Shoes; ’Tis
true, if they could make out, that those Countries must then have
their Shoes from us, where we now Sell our Leather, I should be of
their Minds; But it must needs be otherwise, seeing _Ireland_ is able
to supply them; This proceeds from a very narrow Spirit, and such as
ought not to be Encouraged in a Trading Nation; a good Export for
Leather, will cause a great Import of Raw-Hides, which will be more
Advantage to the Nation, then if they were Tann’d in _Ireland_, and
sent abroad thence.

[Sidenote: Minerals.]

Nor can I omit the several Manufactures made of the sundry Minerals
we dig, and render malleable, which would be endless to enumerate,
_viz._ of Tin, Lead, Iron and Copper, wherewith we not only furnish
enough for our own use, but supply our Plantations, and other Places
Abroad, the Workmanship whereof adds much to their Value; and from
the last of these we have of late made Brass and Battery; an
Undertaking begun by Private Stocks, and carryed on without the help
of a Pattent for Fourteen Years, and I am of Opinion, it would be
much better for the Nation, if good Projections were Rewarded some
other way, and left open, to be Improved by all who were willing to
make Experiments at their own Charge; this in all Probability would
be a more likely way to bring them to perfection, and in less time,
then to tye Men down like the Motions of a Clock, to be directed only
by one Leaden Weight; of this we have a late instance in the Project
of _Beech Oyl_, for if but one half of the Profit can be made
thereby, that is set forth by the Ingenious Pattentee, in his Book
written on that Subject, against which I see no Objection, if the
Computations are rightly Stated, I make no manner of doubt, but that
private Stocks would before this time have made a greater progress
therein, than hath been done by the present Undertakers, on the Joint
Stock; and therefore I think it would be very proper, where such
Pattents are Granted, after some reasonable time, to enquire into the
Proceedings of the Pattentees, least the Nation be deprived of the
Advantages it expected to receive, by the granting those Patents.

[Sidenote: Clockwork.]

There are many other Things which may be, and daily are improved
amongst us; as Clock-work, wherein we sell little but Art and Labour,
the Materials whereof they are made being but of small Value; Watches
and Clocks of great Prices being sold for the Courts of Foreign
Princes.

[Sidenote: Paper-Mills.] [Sidenote: Powder-Mills.] [Sidenote:
Artificers.] [Sidenote: Methods to improve our Manufactures.]

Paper-Mills are a Benefit to the Nation, as they make that Commodity
from things of themselves worth little; so are Powder-Mills; also
Handicrafts, who supply us with things for our own use, which must
otherwise be had from abroad, and also with others, which when
Exported, are more or less Profitable, as the Labour of our People
adds to their Value, Things being cheaper to us when we pay only for
the first Materials whereof they are made, the rest being Work done
at Home, is divided amongst our selves; so that on the whole it
appears to be the great Interest of this Kingdom to advance its
Manufactures; and this I humbly conceive may be done these several
Ways.

[Sidenote: By imploying the Poor.]

1. By providing Work-Houses for the Poor, and making good Laws, both
to Force and Incourage them to Work; But designing to speak larger to
this in the Close of this Tract, I shall refer the Reader thereto.

[Sidenote: By freeing our Manufactures from Customs.]

2. By discharging all Customs payable on our Manufactures at their
Exportation, and also in the Materials used in making them at their
Importation; for as one would Encourage the Merchants to send more
abroad, so the other would enable the Manufacturers to afford them
cheaper at home; and ’tis strange that a Nation, whose Wealth
depends so much on its Manufactures, and whose Interest it is to out
do all others, by underselling them in Foreign Markets, should load
either with Taxes; but there having been something done in this since
my offering it to the consideration of the Parliament in a former
Discourse, both as to the Woollen Manufactures Exported, and also to
Dye Stuffs Imported, which hath evidently appeared to be an Advantage
to our Trade, it may be reasonably hoped, that That Great Council of
the Nation will make a farther Progress therein, when it shall come
regularly before them; because the Exportation of all our
Manufacturers ought to be Encouraged, and not receive a check by any
_Modus_ of Raising Money, that so they may be rendred abroad on such
Terms, as no other Nation may undersell us; This whole Kingdom being
as one great Work-house, wherein if we keep our Poor imployed, they
will advance the Value of our Lands, but if we do not, they will
become a Load upon them.

[Sidenote: Logwood.]

And here I cannot but mention that of Logwood, a Commodity much used
in Dying, which pays Five Pounds _per_ Tun Custom when Imported, and
draws back Three Pounds Fifteen Shillings when Shipt out again, by
which means the Dyers in _Holland_ use it so much cheaper then ours
do here; Now if it was Imported Custom Free, and paid Twenty Five
Shillings _per_ Tun at its Exportation, the Dyers there would use it
so much dearer than ours; and I think it would be well worth Inquiry,
whether a Prohibition, either Total or in Part, of Shipping out our
Manufactures thither, and to the Northern Kingdoms, undy’d and
undrest, might not be made, I am sure it would be a great Advantage
to this Kingdom if it could be done without running into greater
Inconveniencies; the _Dutch_ discourage their being brought in Dyed
or Drest, that they may thereby give Imployment to their own People,
and encrease their Navigation by the Consumption of Dye-Stuff; the
same Reason should prevail with us to Dye and Dress them at home; But
this requires the due Consideration of a Committee of Trade, to hear
what may be said both for and against it, before it be offered to the
Parliament.

[Sidenote: By not importing things manufactur’d.]

3. By discouraging the Importation of Commodities already
Manufactured (unless purchased by our own, or by our Product) such as
wrought Silks, Callicoes, Brandy, Glass, &c., and encouraging the
bringing in the Materials whereof they are made, to be wrought up
here; by which means more Ships will be Freighted, and more Sailors
imployed, besides the great Advantage to the Nation in the Ballance
of its Trade, which must be returned in Bullion, as those Cost less
abroad than the other; And this will enable us to afford a greater
Consumption of Foreign Commodities to please our Palates, such as
Wine, Fruit, and the like, all which fill our Ships, and are fit
Subjects for Trade, when they are purchased by our Product and
Manufactures, and that the Profit of our Trade will enable the Nation
to bear the Expence.

[Sidenote: By freeing our Manufactures from Excices.]

4. By freeing the Manufactures from burthensome Excises, which do
much discourage small Stocks, who are not able to carry on their
Trades, and make Provision for such great Payments, besides the
swarms of Officers, to whom we lay open the Houses of those Men, who
deserve all the Encouragement we can give them, and ought to have
things made as easy to them as may be; had they been laid on our
Woollen Manufactures, as was once hastily proposed, we might have
repented it at Leisure; Trade ought to be handled gently, we may tax
the Trader, without medling with his Trade; and he that considers the
expence of this Nation at Five Pounds _per_ Head (accounting only
Eight Millions of People) comes to Forty Millions _per_ Annum, and
the Lands only to Twelve or Thirteen, which is more than they can be
computed at by the Act of Four Shillings in the Pound, may see how
much we are beholding to Trade.

[Sidenote: By rendring our Foreign Trade safe and easy.] [Sidenote:
Customs.] [Sidenote: Courts of Merchants.]

5. By securing the Merchants in their Trades, who export our Product
and Manufactures, and making their Business, in relation to the
Payment of their Customs, as easy to them as may be: To this end good
Convoys should be provided in time of War, and good Crusers
maintained to preserve their Ships, it being certain, that whatever
is diminished out of the Merchants Stocks, doth so far disable them
in their Trades, and consequently lessen their Exports; great care
should be taken that the fair Merchants should have the _Modus_ of
their entries at the Custom-House made as easy to them as might be,
and a due attendance given at the Loading and discharging their Goods
when the Customs are paid, so that they may be dispatcht without
Delay, and no unnecessary Remoras put in their way, the loss of one
Tide being many times the overthrow of a Voyage; Courts of Merchants
should be erected for the speedy deciding all differences relating to
Sea-Affairs, which are better ended by those who understand them,
than they are in _Westminster-Hall_, where all things are tried by
the nice Rules of Law, and therefore after much Attendance and
Expence, are often referred by the Judges to such as are conversant
in Trade; by this means the Merchants would see short ends to their
differences; but no general Rules can be given for these Courts,
which must be settled, as they suit the Conveniencies of Trading
Cities.

[Sidenote: By making the Bank more useful.]

6. By rendering the Bank of _England_ more applicable to the
Incouragement of our Trade than now it is, which I cannot believe the
Members of that Corporation will oppose, when it shall manifestly
appear, not only to be the Interest of the Nation in General, but
also their own. And I humbly conceive that it may be so directed,
that every Subject in his particular Station, may receive a Benefit
by it.

[Sidenote: Widows and Orphans.]

Ease, Profit, and Security, will keep a Bank always full of Money,
the first of which was formerly answered by the private Bankers, who
received and paid out Money in the same Manner that the Bank now
does, and their Notes generally were as current: But being founded on
their own Credits, great Losses often hapned, which gave Shocks to
Trade; ’tis true, this Mischief is now guarded against, by the Fund
which the Bank of _England_ hath in the hands of the Government, yet
Widdows, Orphans, and others out of Trade, are not provided for;
which might be done, if the Bank did take in what Money might be
tendred to them, for such People who are not able to manage it
themselves, and to allow an Interest of ### _per Cent per Annum_,
whilst it continued in their Hands; which tho’ it may be below the
common Rate, yet by reason of the security, and readiness of Payment,
’twould be preferable to a greater, attended with Hazard and
Uncertainties; By this means none of the Money of this Nation would
lye dead and useless; And on the other Hand, the Bank might have
liberty to lend any Sums at the legal Interest, on this condition,
that the Borrower may repay it by such Parts as he can spare it, and
be discharged of the Interest of what he so pays in, from the time of
its Payment, and from thence forward be chargeable with no more, than
doth arise from the Money that remains unpaid.

[Sidenote: Remittances.]

Nor is there such a safe and settled Course of Remittances from place
to place as Trade and the other Occasions of the Nation do require;
Men often times paying their Money for Bills which are not punctually
discharged, and sometimes never, though they give a _Præmio_ to the
Drawer, which obliges the Travelling with so much Money, and gives
Encouragement to Robbers But this also might be prevented, if the
Bank of _England_ (that is now settled in _London_) did appoint
Chambers in other Places of the Kingdom, at such Distances, as might
best suit the Occasions of the Country, and that their Notes given
out for Money, either at _London_, or in any one of those Chambers
should be demandable in any other; or by drawing Bills at one Chamber
payable in another, the Receiver allowing for such Returns after the
Rate of ### _per Cent._ in the Chamber where he receives his Money.

If the Bank was thus regulated, the Nation would soon see its good
Effects; Trustees might place out Orphan’s Money with good
Security, and Widows and others, whose Maintenance depends on their
Interest, would have it duly paid to answer their Occasions; the
whole Cash of the Kingdom would be in a continual Circulation, and
not lye dead, as too much of it now does; the Gentry and Traders, who
are obliged on many Occasions to take up great Sums at Interest,
would have it made easy to them, when they might pay in by such
Parts, as they could conveniently spare it; and on the other hand, it
would be no Inconvenience to the Bank to receive it, which will by
this means never want Borrowers, and their Notes passing in Payment,
will circulate instead of Money.

These Methods will prevent many Cheats and Losses, which are often
occasion’d by fraudulent and insufficient Drawers, and abate the
excessive _Præmio_’s which are demanded by Remitters, when they
can take Advantages of Men’s Necessities; and the Taxes receiv’d
in the Country might be quicker and safer paid into the Treasury. And
if the Bank was likewise extended to _Ireland_, it would be an
Advantage to both Kingdoms, which I shall speak farther to, when I
come to discourse of the Trade we drive to that Kingdom.

[Sidenote: By increasing the Silver Coin.]

7. By increasing the Silver Coin of this Kingdom, which are the Tools
wherewith the Trader works: It may at first seem strange, that our
Silver Coin should grow scarcer, at a Time when we are at Peace with
all Nations, our Trade open, and vast Quantities of Bullion yearly
imported; but he that considers how much thereof is carry’d away to
the _East Indies_, and how little Encouragement the Importer hath to
send it to the Mint, when he can sell it for more to export, than
’twill come to when Coined, will cease to wonder; and except some
Care be taken in this matter, we shall soon be reduced to such
Streights, that the Manufacturers must stand still: For though Gold
may serve for large Payments, yet it can’t answer the Occasions of
the Manufacturers, who are to make their Payments among the Poor.

Now if these or such like Methods were made use of, they might very
much encrease our Silver Coin; as

1. Let the _East-India_ Company be limited in the quantity of Bullion
they shall Ship out Yearly, whether the Number of Ships they send be
few or many; and let them be obliged to carry to the Mint such a
suitable Proportion according to what they send away, as to the
Wisdom of the Parliament shall seem meet.

2. Let Incouragement be given to all Persons, who shall Voluntarily
bring Plate or Bullion to be Coined.

3. Let the Plate of Orphans be brought into the Mint, which will tend
to their Advantage as well as to the Nations; whereas now great
Quantities lye dead, and grow out of Fashion before they come to use
it, which will by this means, be turned into ready Money, and being
put into the Bank, the Interest thereof may be Imployed for their
better Maintenance, and the Trade of the Nation will also receive a
Benefit thereby: If it be objected, that ’tis now Sold to
Goldsmiths, I think this makes the Argument for sending it to the
Mint much stronger, because it is much better that it were turned
into the Coin of the Kingdom, then disposed of in any other way.

As for Gold, there is no need to give Encouragement to bring it to
the Mint, ’tis only a Commodity, and not the Standard, as Silver
is; besides, ’tis generally worth more here than in any other
Country; and ’tis apparent from the great Quantity thereof which is
Coined yearly more than of Silver, that it is every ones Interest to
send it thither.

[Sidenote: By Discouraging Stock-jobbing.]

8. By discouraging Stock-jobbing; This hath been the Bane of many
good Designs, which began well, and might have been carry’d on to
Advantage, if the Promoters had not fallen off by selling their
Parts, and slighted the first Design, winding themselves out with
Advantage, and leaving the Management to those they had decoy’d in,
who understood nothing of the Business, whereby all fell to the
Ground; which may be prevented (I mean, so far as concerns
Incorporated Stocks) by Laws framed for that end, or by Clauses in
their Charters.

[Sidenote: By preventing the Exportation of Wool.]

9. By strengthening the Laws against the Exportation of Wool, by such
Practicable Methods as may prevent its being done: For seeing the
Nations Interest doth so much depend thereon, no Care can be too
great, nor Methods laid too deep: Laws concerning Trade, whose sole
Strength are Penalties, rarely reach the thing aimed at; but
Practicable Methods, whereby one thing may answer another, and all
conspire to carry on the same Design, hanging like so many Links in a
Chain, that you cannot reach the one, without stepping over the
other, these are more likely to prevent Mischiefs: ’Tis one thing
to punish People when a Fact is committed, and another to prevent
their doing it, by putting them as it were under an Inability; Now
where the Welfare of the Kingdom lies so much at Stake, certainly it
cannot be thought grievous to compel submission to good Methods,
tho’ they may seem troublesome at first.

[Sidenote: The ill Consequences of shipping out our Wooll.]

And that we may the better perceive the Mischiefs that attend the
carrying abroad of Wool unwrought to other Nations, let us consider
the consequences thereof in what is Shipt to _France_; whose Wool
being very coarse, and fit only for Rugs and Blankets, and such
ordinary Cloath, is by mixture with ours and _Irish_, used in the
making of many sorts of Stuffs and Druggets, whereby the Sales of our
Woollen Manufactures are lessened, both there, and in other places
whither we Export them; and by this means, every Pack of Wool sent
thither, works up two besides it self, being chiefly Combed, and
combing Wool, which makes Wool for the _French_ Wool, and the Pinions
thereof serve with their Linnen to make coarse Druggets, like our
Linsey-Woolsey, but the Linnen being Spun Fine, and Coloured, is not
easily discerned; also our Finest Short Wool, being mixt with the
lowest _Spanish_, makes a middling sort of Broad-Cloth, and being
Woven on Worsted Chains, makes their best Druggets, neither of which
could be done with the _French_ Wool only, unless in conjunction with
ours or _Irish_, _Spanish_ Wool being too fine and too Short for
Worsted Stuffs, and unfit for Combing, so that without one of those
two Sorts, there cannot be a Piece of Worsted Stuff or middle
Broad-Cloth made; no other Wool but _English_ or _Irish_ will mix
well with _Spanish_ for Cloth, being originally Raised from a Stock
of _English_ Sheep, the difference, arising from the Nature of the
Land whereon they are Fed; of this we have experience in our own
Nation, where we find, that _Lemster_ Wool is the finest, next, part
of _Shropshire_ and _Staffordshire_, part of _Gloucestershire_,
_Wilts_, _Dorset_ and _Hampshire_, part of _Sussex_, _Kent_,
_Somerset_, _Devon_, and _Cornwall_, these are proper chiefly for
Cloth, some part for Worsted; _Sussex_, _Surry_, _Middlesex_,
_Hertfordshire_, and some other Counties, produce Wool much coarser
and cheaper: But then _Berkshire_, _Buckingham_, _Warwick_, _Oxon_,
_Leicester_, _Nottingham_, _Northampton_, _Lincoln_, and part of
_Kent_ called _Rumney_ Marsh, the Wool in most of these Counties is
so proper for Worsted, that all the World (except _Ireland_) cannot
compare with it, therefore requires our greater care to prevent its
Exportation; and more particularly from _Ireland_, whence it is
exported to our Neighbouring Nations, and sold cheap.

As for the Wool of _North-Britain_, I am not sufficiently verst
therein, to give a true Account of the Nature of it.

[Sidenote: Methods to prevent the Exportation of Wooll.]

I know many Methods have been thought of to prevent this pernicious
Mischief, but all the Laws I have yet seen, seem to reach but half
way, they depend too much on Force and Penalties, and too little on
Method; we must begin deeper, and secure the Wool from the time of
its Growing, till ’tis wrought up into Manufactures, and I think
nothing less than a Register, to be kept in every County, will do it.

Nor will This be attended with so much Trouble and Charge to the
Nation in General, or to private Persons in particular, as may at
first be Thought: The time of Sheering being but once a Year, those
who keep Sheep, may give notice to the Officer appointed for that
District, of the Number of Sheep they have to Sheer, and the day
whereon they intend to do it, that so he may be present to see the
Fleeces Weighed, and to charge them therewith; which charge must
remain upon them till they sell their Wool, and give notice thereof
to the Office, when the next Buyer must be charged, and so _toties
quoties_, till it comes into the hands of him that works it up; And
all this may be done by the Officers of the Excise, in such a manner,
as may cost the Nation little.

And to prevent Frauds, let no parcel of Wool above such a Weight as
the Parliament shall think fit, be carried from place to place, but
in the Day time, nor without a Letpass, or Cocket, setting forth from
whence it came, and whither it is going; and the same Method must
also be extended to _Ireland_, till it is either used there, or Shipt
thither; And if the Wool of both Kingdoms by these or any other
Methods could be secured from being carried abroad, our Manufactures
would find a surer Vent in Foreign Markets, and yield better Prices:
And the Wool of _France_ would lye on their Hands, and become almost
useless; the Credit of the Nation would be raised, and our Factories
abroad courted as much as formerly they have been, because the
Manufactures we Ship out are such, as no Nation can be without, nor
can they then be well supplied elsewhere; they are not things only
for Pleasure, but for Use, and both the Rich and the Poor stand in
need of them; whilst the Profit of this pernicious Practice of
Shipping out the Wool, is sunk in the Pockets of private Men, who
former Laws accounted Felons, and cannot be thought to deserve any
favour from the Nation.

Besides, ’tis well known, that the Exporting our Wool hath by the
ill Consequences thereof abated its Price at Home; This hath been
observed by Calculations made by considerate Men; and the Reason is,
because those Countreys whither it is Shipt, being thereby enabled to
Work up much larger Quantities of their own, the Sale of our
Manufactures are grown slack abroad, and we have been forced to Sell
them cheaper, which beat down the Prices both of Wool and Labour;
whereas, if we had kept our Wool at Home, this had been prevented;
And it must be allowed, that it was not our Interest to fall our
Manufactures, if we had been the only Sellers; for according as they
yield in Price, so is the Wealth of the Nation advanced, which our
Forefathers well knew, when they made Laws to prohibit the
Exportation of Wool, which cannot be too much strengthned, or
strongly put in Execution.

[Sidenote: By managing Treaties of Peace to the Advantage of Trade.]

10. By taking Care, that in all Treaties of Peace, and other
Negotiations with Foreign Princes, due Regard be had to our Trade and
Manufactures; That our Merchants be well treated by the Governments
where they reside; That all things be made easy to them, and both
their Liberties and Properties secured; That our Manufactures be not
Prohibited, or Burthened with unreasonable Taxes, which is the same
in Effect; That speedy Justice be done in recovering Debts contracted
amongst the Natives, and punishing Abuses put on our Factories by
them; These are pressures our Trade hath formerly groaned under,
whereby the Merchants abroad, and Manufacturers at home, have been
much discouraged, and the _English_ Nation hath been forced to
truckle under the _French_ in some Foreign Parts, only because that
King sooner resented Injuries done to his Trading Subjects, and took
more care to demand Reparation, than some former Reigns have done;
But Thanks be to God, we have both Power and Opportunity to do the
same; and there is no cause to doubt His Majesties Royal
Inclinations, to make use of Both for the Good of his Merchants, when
things are duly represented to Him.

[Sidenote: Navigation.] [Sidenote: Manning our Ships of War.]

And thus I have run through the several Parts of our Inland Trade,
and shewed, that the Profit thereof arises chiefly from our Product
and Manufactures; Before I proceed to our Foreign Trade, I shall
speak something of Navigation, which is the Medium between both: This
is carried on by Ships and Sailors, the former are the Sea-Waggons,
whereby we Transport and carry Commodities from one Market to
another, and the latter are the Waggoners who drive and manage them;
These are a sort of Jolly Fellows, who are generally Bold in their
Undertakings, and go through any Kind of Labour in their own way,
with a great deal of Cheerfulness, are undaunted by Storms and
Tempests, the Sea being as it were their Element, and are allow’d
by all to be the best Navigators in the World; they are our Wealth in
Peace, and our Defence in War, and ought to be more encouraged than
they are in both, but especially in the latter, which might be done,
if better Methods were used to engage them in the Service, and better
Treatment when they are there; Now I should think, if no Man was
forced into the Kings Ships till he had been Three Years at Sea, nor
to stay there above that time without his free Consent, and then to
be permitted to take a Merchants Imployment so much longer, and so
_toties quoties_, ’twould Encourage them to come willingly into the
Service, which they look upon now to be a Slavery, whereto they are
bound for their Lives; This, and the manner of Pressing them, hinders
very much the making of Sailors, Landmen not caring to put their
hands to the Oar, lest the next Day they should be halled away to the
Fleet, tho’ they understand nothing of the Sea; By this Means our
Men of War would be Man’d with able Seamen, and not with such who
only stand in the way, and are useless, when they are most wanted;
Nor do I take Embargoes to be any helps towards it, for many Sailors
do then lye hid, who would appear to serve in Merchant Ships, and
might be easily met with at the return of their Voyages; By these
means in a short time there would be a double set of Mariners, enough
both for the Service of the Fleet and of Trade, the last of which
would every Year breed more.

This would also prevent great Mischiefs, which arise from pressing
Sailors out of Merchants Ships whilst on their Voyages, many of them
being thereby lost at Sea, and others have been detained in the
_West-Indies_, to the discouragement of Trade; And it would also
prevent an other Mischief, too much Practiced abroad, where Captains
of Men of War press Sailors from one Merchant Ship, only to make
Advantage by Selling them to another.

[Sidenote: Outland Trade.]

I come now to our Outland Trade, or the Trade we drive with Foreign
Countries.

[Sidenote: How this Kingdom may be said to be enrich’d by our
Outland Trade.]

Here ’tis necessary to enquire, how each doth encourage our Product
and Manufactures, how our Navigation, what Commodities we receive in
Returns, and how the Ballance of our Trade stands with either, that
so we may be the better able to know, which of them we ought to
encourage, and which to discourage; I shall therefore lay down such
general Rules, as I presume will be allowed by all Unbiassed Persons;
as,

1. That Trade is an Advantage to this Kingdom, which takes off our
Product and Manufactures.

2. Which supplies us with such Commodities as we use in making our
Manufactures, and encreases our Bullion.

3. Which Incourages Navigation, and breeds up Sailors.

And consequently, any Trade which Exports little or none of our
Product or Manufactures, nor supplies us with things necessary for
the latter, nor Incourages Navigation, cannot be supposed to be
profitable to the Kingdom in General, tho’ perhaps it may be so to
particular Persons; especially if it carries away our Bullion.

[Sidenote: East-Indies.]

I shall begin with the _East-India_ Trade, which I take to be very
prejudical to us, as ’tis now driven; because it exports our
Bullion, spends little of our Product or Manufactures, and brings in
Commodities perfectly Manufactured, which hinder the Consumption of
our own, and discourage the Wearing such as are purchased with them;
the chief Profit thereof arising from Underselling the Labour of our
Poor, because ’tis bought there cheaper, than by reason of the
Value of our Lands, and the Prices of Provisions, they are able to
work here. But having spoken fully of this in a former Discourse, and
the Parliament having since been pleased, by an Act made in the 10th
and 11th Years of his late Majesty King _William_, to prohibit the
Wearing of wrought Silks, Bengals, Stuffs mixt with Silk or Herba, of
the Manufacture of _Persia_, _China_, and _India_, and all Callicoes
Painted, Dy’d, Printed or Stained there. The Reason of which is in
the said Act set forth to be, The great Detriment the Nation received
as the Trade was then manag’d, by exhausting the Treasure thereof,
and taking away the Labour of the People, whereby very many of the
Manufacturers were become excessively burthensome and chargeable to
their respective Parishes, and others compell’d to seek for
Employment in Foreign Parts, I shall not now repeat what I then
wrote, but will consider how far the Remedy they then provided hath
answer’d the End.

The making this Law gave a new Life to our Manufactures, and would
have given more, if the true Intent of the Parliament had been
answered: But we have since found that it has not; for it neither
keeps our Treasure at home, nor prevents those Commodities from being
worn here, which they design’d it should; and I very much question,
whether any thing less than a total Prohibition of their Importation
will do it; for though they are directed to be Exported again, yet
there is great Reason to believe, that they are privately brought
back, both from _Ireland_, our Plantations, and other Places to which
they are sent, to the Loss of his Majesty’s Customs, and the
Prejudice of the Stainers and Painters here, besides the Injury to
our Manufactures: Otherwise, how come such great Quantities to be
worn and used here, when the Stock on hand hath been so long since
spent?

There are other Commodities, which the Company may trade in, and the
Tract of Land within their Charter is large enough to afford an
advantagious Commerce there, the Profits whereof might be returned
hither, in things no way injurious to our Manufactures, such as
Raw-Silk, Indigo, Pepper, Salt-Peter, Spices, Drugs, China-Wares,
Coffee, Tea, and many other things, if they were industrious to make
Discoveries, as private Merchants would do, if the Trade lay open;
and I believe it will not be disputed, that greater Quantities of
Raw-Silk, have been brought thence since the Making of that Law, than
were used to be done before.

I know it hath been alleadg’d, That by the Exportation of those
Manufactures again, more Bullion in _specie_ is brought into this
Kingdom, than is carry’d out for the buying them in _India_; but
this was never yet made out, and it would be much to the Satisfaction
of the People, who daily see their Bullion carried away, and also for
the Honour of the Company, that it was done; which if it be really
so, might be set forth in this, or any other Method that the
Parliament shall think fit.

1. Let them give an Account what Quantities of Bullion they export on
every Ship they send abroad, and on what Commodities ’tis laid out.

2. Let them set forth, how and in what manner, these prohibited
Manufactures do, on their being Exported again, bring in as much
Bullion in _specie_, as was carry’d out to pay for them in the
_Indies_.

And I think it a proper Work for a Committee of Trade, to receive
these Accounts from time to time, and after a just Examination, to
lay them before the Parliament at every Meeting, with their Opinions
thereon.

But if they only mean, that the Exportation of those Manufactures is
a help to us in the Ballance of our Trade, which must otherwise be
paid in Bullion, I answer, That our own Product and Manufactures
always have, and are still sufficent to support the Ballance of our
Trade.

As for White Callicoes and Muslins, they have beat out the Wearing of
Lawns, Cambricks, and other thin _Germany_ and _Silesia_ Linnens,
which hath been the Occasion of turning many of those Looms to the
Woollen Manufactures there, that were formerly employ’d in the
weaving them, and hath abated the Exportation of great Quantities of
Cloth; Besides the Hinderance Callicoes give to the Consumption of
_Scots_-Linnens, which being thin and soft, are as proper for dying,
printing, and staining, as they are, and may be made as white.

The _East Indies_ is a bottomless Pit for our Bullion, which can
never circulate hither again; whereas, if it was sent to any Part of
_Europe_, there might be some hopes, by the Ballance of our Trade, to
bring it back again; and when our Bullion fails, that Trade must
cease of course, which it will soon do, if the Company continue to
carry out yearly as much as our other Trades bring us in.

I wish the Nobility and Gentry of this Kingdom would be in Love with
our own Manufactures, and those which are purchased with them, and
that they would by their Examples encourage the using them, which
would be attended with the Prayers of the Poor, besides the Advantage
it would bring to their Estates.

And as to Navigation, I think it will not be disputed, that long
Voyages rather use Saylors than make them, both the Employers, and
the Employed, chusing rather to make their first Experiments on short
ones.

[Sidenote: West-India and Africa.]

I will next proceed to the _West-India_ and _African_ Trades, which I
esteem the most profitable we drive, and joyn them together, because
of their dependance on each other.

[Sidenote: Whether Settling of Plantations hath been an Advantage.]

But before I enter farther thereon, I will consider of one Objection,
it having been a great Question among many thoughtful Men, whether
the settling our Plantations Abroad has been an Advantage to the
Nation; The Reasons they give against them are, That they have
drained us of Multitudes of our People, who might have been
serviceable at Home, and advanced Improvements in Husbandry and
Manufactures; That this Kingdom is worse Peopled, by so much as they
are increased; And that Inhabitants being the Wealth of a Nation, by
how much they are lessened, by so much we are Poorer, than when we
first began to settle those Colonies.

To all which I answer; That tho’ I allow the last Proposition to be
true, that People are the Wealth of a Nation, yet it can only be so,
where we find Imployment for them, otherwise they must be a Burthen
to it: ’Tis my Opinion that our Plantations are an Advantage to
this Kingdom, tho’ not all alike, but every one more or less, as
they take off our Product and Manufactures, supply us with
Commodities, which may be either wrought up here, or exported again,
or prevent fetching things of the same Nature from other Places for
our Home Consumption, employ our Poor, and encourage our Navigation;
For I take this Kingdom, and all its Plantations, to be one Great
Body, those being as so many Limbs or Counties belonging to it;
therefore when we consume their Growth, we do as it were spend the
Fruits of our own Land; and what thereof we Sell to our Neighbours,
brings a second Profit to the Nation.

These Plantations are either the great Continent from Hudsons-Bay
Northward to _Florida_ Southward, containing _Nova Scotia_,
_New-England_, _New-Jersy_, _New-York_, _Pensilvania_, _Virginia_,
_Mary-Land_, _Carolina_; and also our Islands, the Chief whereof are,
_Newfoundland_, _Barbadoes_, _Antegoa_, _Nevis_, St. _Christophers_,
_Montserat_, and _Jamaica_; the Commodities they afford us are more
especially, Sugars, Cotton, Tobacco, Piamento and Fustick, of their
own Growth; also Logwood, which we bring from _Jamaica_ (but first
brought thither from the Bay of _Campechia_ on the Continent of
_Mexico_, belonging to the _Spaniards_, but cut by the Subjects of
this Kingdom, who have made small settlements there) besides great
Quantities of Fish taken on the Coasts, both of _Newfoundland_ and
_New-England_; These being the Product of Earth, Sea and Labour, are
clear Profit to the Kingdom, and give a double Employment to our
People, first to those who raise them there, next to those who
prepare Manufactures here, wherewith they are supplied, besides the
Advantage they afford to our Navigation; for the Commodities Exported
thither, and those Imported thence hither, being generally bulky, do
thereby Imploy more Ships, and consequently more Sailors, which
leaves more Room for other Labouring People to be kept at Work in our
Husbandry and Manufactures, whilst they consume the Product of the
one, and the Effects of the other, in an Imployment of a distinct
Nature from either.

This was the first Design of settling Plantations Abroad, that we
might better maintain a Commerce and Trade among our selves, the
Profit whereof might redound to the Center: And therefore Laws were
made to prevent the carrying their Product to other Places, and their
being supply’d with Necessaries save from hence only, and both to
be done in our own Ships, Navigated by our own Sailors, except in
some Cases permitted by the Act of Navigation; and so much as the
Reins of those Laws are let loose, so much less Profitable are the
Plantations to us.

Among these Plantations, I look upon _New-England_ to bring the least
Advantage to this Kingdom; for the Inhabitants thereof, Employing
themselves rather by Trading to the others, than raising a Product
proper to be Transported hither, and supplying them (especially the
_Islands_) with Fish (which they catch on their Coast) Deal-Boards,
Pipe-Staves, Horses, and such like things of their own Growth, which
they cannot be so well Furnished with hence, also with Bread, Flower,
Pease, and other Grain; and from thence fetching the respective
Products of those Islands, and sometimes Tobacco from _Virginia_ and
_Mary-Land_, have carried them to Foreign Markets, to the great
Prejudice of this Kingdom; But to prevent this, they have been by
sundry Laws obliged to bring them all hither, except what is consumed
among themselves; By which means this Kingdom is become the Center of
Trade, and standing like the Sun in the midst of its Plantations,
doth not only refresh them, but also draws Profit from them; And
indeed it is a matter of exact Justice that it should be so, for from
hence it is that Fleets of Ships, and Regiments of Soldiers are
frequently sent for their Defence, at the charge of the Inhabitants,
towards which they contribute but little.

Besides the forementioned Commodities, we have from _Carolina_,
Excellent Rice, and there has been Cocheneel taken, which as yet is
but a Discovery, and perhaps may not meet with any considerable
Improvement, till That Colony is better Peopled; what I have seen
thereof in the hands of a Gentleman who brought it thence, seems by
its Figure, to be much like what we call a Lady-Cow, or Lady-Bird,
but is very small, and I take it to be the _Fœtus_ of an Insect,
which laying its Eggs on a Shrub called the Prickle-Pear, or
something very like it, leaves them there, till time brings them to
Maturity, in the same manner as the Caterpillar does with us in the
Cabbage or Collard Leaves, Wise Nature thus directing, that the
_Fœtus_ may find its Food, so soon as it wants its Sustenance; It
gives a very curious Colour when Bruised, but being extraordinary
small, does require long time to gather in any Quantity, and Labour
being very dear there, ’twill not yet answer the Charge; but by
Cultivating and Improving the Plant, which now grows Wild, and by
being better acquainted with the proper Season to collect them, when
they are at a more Mature Growth, greater Quantities may probably
hereafter be procured, and at less Charge; and I think it would be a
good step towards it, if an Incouragement was given on its
Importation hither, in such a manner, as to the Wisdom of the
Parliament shall seem fit and proper.

[Sidenote: Africa.]

Now, That which makes these Plantations more Profitable to this
Kingdom, is the Trade to _Africa_, whereby the Planters are supplied
with Negroes for their Use and Service; a Trade of the most Advantage
of any we drive, and as it were all Profit, the first Cost being some
things of our own Manufactures, and others generally purchased with
them, for which we have in Return, Gold, Teeth, Wax, and Negroes, the
last whereof is indeed the best Traffick the Kingdom hath, as it
occasionally gives so vast an Imployment to our People both by Sea
and Land; These are the Hands whereby our Plantations are improved,
and ’tis by their Labours such great Quantities of Sugar, Tobacco,
Cotton, Ginger, Fustick and Indigo, are raised, which Imploy great
Numbers of Ships for transporting them hither; and the greater Number
of Ships, Imploys the greater Number of Handicrafts Trades at home,
spends more of our Product and Manufactures, and makes more Sailors,
who are maintained by a separate Imployment; for if every one raised
the Provisions he Eat, or made the Manufactures he Wore, Traffick
would cease, which is a variety of Imployments Men have set
themselves on, whereby one is serviceable to another, adapted to
their particular Genius’s, without invading each others Provinces;
Thus the Husbandman raises Corn, the Miller grinds it, the Baker
makes it into Bread, and the Citizen Eats it; Thus the Grasier Fats
Cattle, and the Butcher Kills them for the Market; Thus the Shepherd
Sheers his Sheep, the Spinster turns the Wool into Yarn, the Weaver
makes it into Cloth, and the Merchant exports it, and every one lives
by each other; Thus the Country supplies the City with Provisions,
and That the Country with Necessaries; Now the advising a former
Reign to monopolize this Trade, and confine it to an exclusive
Company, was the same, as to advise the People of _Ægypt_, to raise
high Banks to keep the River _Nilus_ from overflowing, lest it should
fertilize their Lands, or the King of _Spain_ to shut up his Mines,
least he should fill his Kingdom too full of Silver; This Trade
indeed is our Silver Mine, for by the Overplus of Negroes above what
will serve our Plantations, we draw great Quantities thereof from the
_Spaniards_ who are settled on the Continent of _America_, both for
the Negroes we furnish from _Jamaica_, and also by the Assiento,
lately settled by a compact of both Nations; ’Twas these which
first introduced our Commerce with that People, and gave us
Opportunities of Selling our Manufactures to them.

But tho’ this Trade be now laid open, yet it will not be amiss to
enquire what Reasons should perswade That Government to Monopolize
it, and what has been the Consequences thereof, in order to obviate
any future Attempts that may be made to get it done again.

As for the First; The necessity of having Forts, Castles, and
Soldiers to defend the Trade which could not be carried on without
them, had then Force enough to prevail.

But let us consider what these Forts, Castles, and Soldiers were,
their Use, and whither the Trade is not as well secured now it lies
open.

The greatest Number of Soldiers, offer’d as I remember at a
Committee formerly appointed by the Honourable House of Commons to
enquire into that Affair, did not exceed One Hundred and Twenty on
the whole Coast, nor did their Forts and Castles appear to be any
thing else than Settlements for their Factors, nor was it ever made
out, or indeed pretended, that they were fitted to wage a National
War, or to secure against a National Invasion, nor were there any
Magazines laid up to expect a Siege from the Natives; nor could they
hinder Interlopers from Trading on the Coast, of what Nation soever,
but the Company having obtained Frigats from the Government,
destroyed our own Merchant Ships (unless permitted on the Payment of
great Mulcts at Home) whilst they let others alone; This together
with the Powers given them in their Charter, to Seize in the
Plantations, such as had the good Fortune to escape them on the
Coast, and also their Cargoes, discouraged Private Traders, who else
found no Difficulties, the Natives receiving them as Friends, and
chusing rather to deal with them than the Company, whose Factories
also being at remote Distances from each other, great part of that
Coast was untraded to.

Nor do I see what Need there was to fight our way into a Trade,
altogether as advantagious to the Natives as to us; for whilst we
supplied them with things they wanted, and were of Value amongst
them, we took in exchange Slaves, which were else of little Worth to
the Proprietors; and there was no reason to think, that the People of
this Kingdom, who had settled such large Colonies on the Continent of
_America_, (besides its several Islands) where there was at first
such small Hopes of Advantage, without the Help of a Company, should
fall short in securing this Trade, which carried with it the Prospect
of so great a Profit.

I will next consider the Inconveniencies that have attended this
Monopoly, and the Advantage the Nation reaps by the Trades being laid
open; we now send more Ships, and supply the Plantations with more
Negroes, and vend more of our Commodities for their Purchase:
Besides, every Negro in the Plantations gives a second Employ to the
Manufacturers of this Kingdom; and had we many more to spare, the
_Spaniards_ would buy them, and pay us in Bullion, so there could be
no Ground for putting this Trade into few Hands, unless ’twas
designed those few should grow Rich, whilst for their sakes the
Nation suffered in its Trade and Navigation, the Company having made
this detrimental Use of their Charter, that they bought up our
Manufactures cheaper at home, and made the Planters pay dearer for
Negroes abroad, than could have been done, if there had been more
Buyers for the One, and Sellers of the Other.

It is not to be doubted, whether the Vending our Manufactures, and
Encouraging our Navigation, on Advantagious Terms, are the true
Interest of this Kingdom, and that all Foreign Commerce, as it
advances either, is more or less profitable to us; but the confining
this Trade to an Exclusive Company could promote neither; and I
believe ’tis one great Reason, why we know so little of that great
Continent, because the Company, finding Ways enough to employ their
Stock amongst those few Settlements they had made on the Sea-Coast,
never endeavoured a farther Inland Discovery; whereas, now the Trade
is laid open, the busy Merchant, that industrious Bee of the Nation,
will not leave any Creek or River untraded to, from whence he may
hope to make Advantage.

’Tis to Trade and Commerce we are beholding for what knowledge we
have of Foreign Parts, and it is observable, that the more remote
People dwell from the Sea, the less they are acquainted with Affairs
abroad. _Africa_ is a large Country, and doubtless the Trade to it
may be much enlarged to our Advantage; Use and Experience make us by
degrees Masters of every thing, and tho’ the first Undertakers of a
Design may fall short of answering their private Ends, yet they often
lay open Beaten Paths, wherein Posterity do tread with Success,
tho’ they miscarried: Now that all Places are permitted freely to
send Ships, and to have the Management of their own Affairs, Industry
is encourag’d, and Peoples Heads are set at Work how they may
out-do each other, by getting first into a new Place of Trade.
Besides, the more Traders, the more Buyers at home, and Sellers
abroad, and by this means, our Plantations on the large Continent of
_America_ are better furnish’d with Negroes, for want of which the
Inhabitants there could never arrive to those Improvements they have
done on the Islands, the Company having given them little or no
Supply, but chose rather to send their Negroes to the latter, because
they were able to make them better Payments; but the Free-Traders
have since done it, to the great Advantage of those Plantations, and
of the Nation in general.

As for the other Commodities brought in Returns from _Africa_, viz.
Wax and Teeth, one serves for a Foreign Export, without any
Disadvantage to our own Product; and the other is Manufactured at
home, and afterwards carried to Markets abroad: And as for the Gold
brought thence, I need not mention how much it doth advance our
Wealth, all allow it to be a good Barter.

On the whole, I take the _African_ Trade, both for its Exports and
Imports, and also as it supplies our Plantations, and advances
Navigation, to be very beneficial to this Kingdom, and will every
Year grow more so, if it remains open.

[Sidenote: Ireland.]

I now come to discourse of _Ireland_, and of the Trade we
interchangeably drive with that Kingdom, with whom it is necessary to
maintain a good Correspondence, which must be done on such Terms, as
may be profitable to us both; and I think nothing is more likely to
answer this End, than the encouraging the Linnen Manufacture there,
which it is highly our Interest to promote, and theirs to set upon,
being for the most part of another Nature, than what is made either
in the _North_ or _South-Britain_; for, besides the Employment it
will give to their Poor, large Tracts of Land will be taken up for
raising Hemp and Flax, both which thrive well in many Parts of that
Kingdom; on the other hand, the low Labour of _Ireland_ being
employed on that Manufacture, will no way prejudice ours, but make
them better able to trade with us, for such things wherewith they are
supplied hence, it being undoubtedly the Interest of this Kingdom,
that all those Nations we trade with should grow Rich, by any Methods
that do not make us Poor; and more especially _Ireland_, whose
Profits are generally spent here.

But then how shall this Manufacture be carried on? truly the first
Step must be, by furnishing Money on reasonable Interest, and
receiving it again by such Payments as the Borrowers can make, and
buying up the Linnens when made, and then the Landed Men will
encourage it, on their own Estates, and thereby enable their Tenants
to pay their Rents better; Which last Effect it hath already had in
the North of _Ireland_, where by spinning the Yarn in the Winter
Nights, and getting their Cloth ready, and fit for Sale, early in the
Year, they provide for their _May_ Rents, without being constrained
to sell their Cattle whilst they are lean, and their _November_
Payments do not become due, till they are fat, and their Harvest is
over.

Now these Loans must be made, either by a Joint-Stock raised for that
Purpose, or by the Bank of _England_, which will be attended with
good Security; for by reason of the Register settled there by Act of
Parliament, I take the Securities of _Ireland_, to be rather better
than those in _England_: And this way of Lending Money must likewise
be very acceptable to all those whose Estates are under different
Incumbrances, which may by this means be reduced into One, and paid
off, as they can spare the Money by degrees.

Nor can I see how any ill Consequences will attend the bringing the
Money to _Par_ in both Kingdoms, I know it had none when the
Crown-Piece was some Years since reduced from six Shillings to pass
at five Shillings and five Pence, and all other Money in Proportion;
It neither caused an Alteration in the Rents to the Landlords, nor in
the Price of the Product to the Tenants; and I cannot see why the
falling it to five Shillings (as it passes here) should carry with it
any ill Effect; the Lands of _Ireland_ would thereby be more worth to
the Proprietors, who would then be more willing, and better able, to
spend their Money here, when they were freed from such high
Exchanges; besides the Advantage to the King in his Revenue.

The Commodities we have thence are, Wooll, Hides, Tallow, and Skins,
all useful in our Manufactures; as also some Herrings, which we
export again; and we ship from thence for other Markets, Beef, Pork,
Salmon and Butter; We likewise supply them with Tobacco, Sugar, and
other Plantation Goods; also with fine Broad-Cloth, Silk
Manufactures, and several other things made here; and with sundry of
our Products, as Lead, Tin, Coal, &c. of which last, so great
Quantities are carried thither yearly, that it will scarce be
credited, how much they say there it amounts unto; besides Muslins,
Callicoes, China-Ware, Tea, Coffee, and other _East-India_ Goods:
They have indeed, discouraged the Importation of Callicoes, by
loading them with a great Duty, but I wonder they do not totally
prohibit them, for that single Commodity doth more Injury to their
Manufactures, both of Linnen and Woollen, than all the Things they
import besides.

I should be very glad to see the Linnen Manufacture there brought to
a good Perfection; and I am sure if the Government were at some
Charge in doing it, ’twould not be ill laid out.

[Sidenote: Canaries.]

I shall proceed next to the Trade we drive to the Canary Islands,
which brings us nothing but what we consume, and I believe takes from
us little of our Product or Manufactures; but since we must drink
Wines, ’tis better to have them from the _Spaniard_ than the
_French_; the first takes off much of our Manufactures, the other
little; and I am apt to think, those Wines are paid for out of what
we ship to _Spain_.

[Sidenote: Spain.]

This brings me to the _Spanish_ Trade, which I take to be very
profitable to this Kingdom, as it vends much of our Product and
Manufactures, and supplies us with many things necessary to be used
in making the Latter, and furnishes us with great Quantities of
Bullion; I shall divide it into three Parts, _Spain_, _Biscay_, and
_Flanders_.

To begin with _Spain_, by which I mean, that Part from the Bay of
_Cadiz_ inclusive, East-ward into the Straits of _Gibralter_, as far
as _Catalonia_; whither we send all sorts of Woollen Manufactures,
Lead, Fish, Tin, Silk and Worsted Stockings, Butter, Tobacco, Ginger,
Leather, Bees-Wax, and sundry other things. And in Returns we have
thence, some things fit only for Consumption, such as Fruit and
Wines, others for our Manufactures, such as Oil, Cochineal, Indigo,
Anata, Barillia, and some Salt, with a great Part in Gold and Silver,
wherewith they are supplied from their large Empires on the main Land
of _America_, whither they export much of the Goods we carry to them.

The _Spaniards_ are a stately People, not much given to Trade or
Manufactures themselves; therefore the first they carry on by such
chargeable and dilatory Methods, both for their Ships and ways of
Navigation, that other Trading Nations, such as the _English_,
_French_, _Dutch_, and _Genoese_, take Advantage of them; only Their
Trade to their _West-Indies_, hath on strict Penalties been reserved
to themselves; but having no Manufactures of their own, the Profit
thereof comes very much to be reaped by those who furnish them; Nor
is it so well guarded and secured, but that the Inhabitants thereof
have been plentifully supplied by us with Manufactures, and many
other things from _Jamaica_, and may be more, by the liberty lately
granted to the _South-Sea_ Company, whereby we get greater Prices for
them, than when they were first Ship’d to _Cadiz_, and Exported
thence thither, which adds to the Wealth of the Nation; This I take
to be the true Reason why our Vent for them at _Cadiz_ is lessened,
because we supply _New-Spain_ direct with those things they used to
have thence before.

By _Biscay_ I mean all that Part under the _Spanish_ Government which
lies in the _Bay_ of that Name, or adjoining to it; The Commodities
we send thither are generally the same as we do to _Spain_, and in
Returns we have Wool, Iron, and some Bullion, whereof the first is
the best and most Profitable Commodity, which could we secure wholly
to our selves, ’twould be of great Advantage to the Nation; but
both the _Dutch_ and _French_ do come in for their Shares; tho’ I
am apt to think the former might be induced to bring it hither by way
of Merchandize, if we did so far relax the Act of Navigation, as to
give them liberty to do it.

The Third part of our _Spanish_ Trade is That to _Flanders_, whereby
I mean all those Provinces that were formerly under its Government,
but are now under the Emperours, whether we send Commodities much of
the same Nature as those we send to the other Parts, tho’ not in so
great Quantities, and amongst our Woollen Manufactures more coarse
Medleys; also Muscovado Sugars and Coals, but not so much Leather as
we have formerly done, being supplied with Raw Hides from _Ireland_,
which are Tann’d there; We have thence, Linnens, Thread, and other
things, which are used both at Home, and also Shipt to our
Plantations.

[Sidenote: Portugal.]

The next is the Trade we drive to the Kingdom of _Portugal_ and its
Islands, where we Vend much of our Product and Manufactures, little
different in their kinds from what are sent to _Spain_; and from
thence we have in Returns, Salt, Oil, Woad, Fruit and Wines, besides
Gold and Silver; We have, since the War with _France_, Increased our
Importation of their Wines, which is more our Interest to do, than to
have them from _France_, whence our Imports have been always more
than our Exports would pay for, and to this Kingdom our Exports are
greater than their Products can make us Returns, especially since we
have desisted from bringing hither their Sugars and Tobacco,
Commodities wherewith we are more Advantageously supplied from our
Plantations in _America_, and are now able to furnish Foreign Markets
cheaper than they can.

These People were formerly the great Navigators of the World, as
appears by their many Discoveries, both in the _East_ and
_West-Indies_, besides the several Islands of the _Azores_, _Cape de
Verd_, and also _Maderas_, where they have settled Colonies; to these
they admit us a Free Trade, but reserve their Remoter Settlements on
the Continent of _Brazil_ more strictly to themselves, whither they
Export many of the Commodities we send them, and in Returns have
Sugars and Tobacco, which are again Exported to the _European_
Markets, tho’ little of them hither; Besides which, they have of
late brought from thence great Quantities of Gold; their Islands we
supply direct with our Manufactures, and from the _Azores_ Load Corn,
Woad, and some Wines, which we receive in Barter for them, and are
the Product of those Islands; the first we carry to _Maderas_, where
’tis again Bartered for the Wines of the Growth of that Island,
which are Shipt thence to our Plantations in _America_; in these
settlements the Inhabitants live well, and are plentifully supplied,
because they have wherewith to pay for what is brought them; but
those residing on the _Cape de Verd_ Islands, being generally made up
of Negroes, Molattoes, and such like People, and having little
Product to give in Returns, are but meanly furnished, and have scarce
enough to serve their Necessities, much less to please their
Luxuries, Asses, Beeves, and Salt, being all we have from them, which
we generally carry to our Plantations in _America_; some Salt we
bring home; Beef might be made there very cheap, could it be saved,
being purchased for little, and Salt for less, but the Climate will
not allow it; only the Island of St. _Jago_ is Rich, well Governed,
and a Bishops See, where they are well supplied with Necessaries,
because they have Money to pay for what they Buy.

The _Portugueze_, as they are now become bad Navigators, so they are
not great Manufacturers; some sorts of coarse Cloth they do make,
which is often Shipt to the Islands of _Maderas_ and the _Azores_,
where ’tis worn with great Delight, and preferred before any other
of the like goodness, because its made in _Portugal_; and they did
once attempt the making Bays, for which they drew over some of our
Workmen, but it soon came to an end, and they returned Home again by
Encouragement given them here, so prudent a thing it is to stop an
Evil in the Beginning.

[Sidenote: Turkey.]

The Trade driven to _Turkey_ is very Profitable, as it affords us
Markets for great Quantities of our Woollen Manufactures, together
with Lead, and other Product, Shipt hence to _Constantinople_,
_Scandaroon_, and _Smyrna_, and from thence disperst all over the
_Turkish_ Dominions, as also into _Persia_; The Commodities we have
thence in Returns are, Raw-Silk, Cotton-Wool and Yarn, Goats-Wool,
Grogram-Yarn, Cordivants, Gauls, Pot-Ashes, and other things, which
are the Foundations of several Manufactures different from our own,
by the Variety whereof we better suit Cargoes to Export again; and
tho’ this Trade may require some Bullion to be carried thither, yet
there is a great difference between Buying for Bullion, Commodities
already Manufactured, which hinder the Use and Consumption of our
own, such as those brought from the _East-Indies_, or things to be
spent on Luxury, such as Wines and Fruit, and Buying therewith
Commodities to keep our Poor at Work; these must be had, tho’
purchased with nothing else.

[Sidenote: Italy.]

To the several Parts of _Italy_ we send great Quantities of Lead and
other our Product, and many sorts of Woollen Manufactures, but
chiefly those made of Worsted; also Fish, and Sugars, both White and
Brown, the last principally to _Venice_; We bring thence Raw and
Thrown Silk, and Red-Wool; also Oyl and Soap, (of the latter we now
make a great deal in _England_,) both used in Working up our Wool,
some Paper, Currants, and other things.

Both _Venice_ and _Genoa_ have made some attempts on a Woollen
Manufacture, being furnisht with Wool from _Alicant_, and those
_Eastern_ Parts of _Spain_; Wrought Silks and Glass are not so much
Imported thence as the formerly were, since we have fallen on making
them here.

[Sidenote: Holland.]

The _Dutch_ do likewise Buy many of our Manufactures, and much of our
Product, as Coals, Butter, Lead, Tin, besides things of smaller
Value, such as Clay, Redding, &c. which are Exported to _Holland_,
not only for their own use, but being a Mart of Trade for _Germany_,
they disperse them for the Expence of those Countries; among whom
they also Vend our _West-India_ Commodities, such as Sugar, Tobacco,
Indigo, Logwood, Fustick, Ginger, Cotton-Wool, besides what they use
themselves; These are an Industrious People, but having little Land,
do want Product of their own to Trade on, except what they raise by
their Fisheries, or bring from the _East-Indies_, whereof Spices and
Salt-Petre are many times admitted to be brought hither, tho’
contrary to the Act of Navigation; Indeed the Trade of the _Dutch_
consists rather in Buying and Selling than Manufactures, most of
their Profits arising from That, and the Freights they make of their
Ships; which being Built for Burthen, are Imployed generally in a
Home-Trade, for Bulky Commodities, such as Salt from St. _Ubes_ to
the _Baltick_, Timber, Hemp, Corn, Pitch, and such sorts of Goods
thence to their own Country, which Ships they Sail with few Hands;
And This, together with Lowness of Interest, enables them to afford
those Commodities at such Rates, that they are often fetcht from them
by other Nations, cheaper then they could do it from the Places of
their Growth, all charges considered; ’Tis strange to see how these
People Buz up and down among themselves, the Vastness of whose
Numbers causes a Vast Expence, and that Expence must be supplied from
Abroad, so one Man gets by another, and they find by Experience, that
as a Multitude of People brings Profit to the Government, so it
creates Imployment to each other; Besides, they Invent new ways of
Trade, by Selling, not only Things they have, but those they have
not, great Quantities of Brandy and other Commodities being disposed
of every Year, which are never intended to be delivered, only the
Buyer and Seller get or loose, according to the Rates it bears at the
time agreed on to make good the Bargain; such a Commerce to this
Kingdom would be of little Advantage, and would not advance its
Wealth more than Stock-jobbing, our Profits depending on the
improving our Product and Manufactures; But That Government raising
its Income by the Multitude of its Inhabitants, who pay on all they
eat, drink and wear, and almost on every thing they do, cares not so
much by what Methods each Person gets, as that they have People to
pay; which are never wanting from all Nations, for as one goes away
another comes, and every Temporary Resident advances their Revenue;
Therefore to encrease their Numbers, they make the Terms of Trade
easy; Contrary to the Customs of Cities and private Corporations with
us, the Narrowness of whose Charters discourages Industry, and
hinders Improvements both in Handicrafts and Manufactures, because
they exclude better Artists from their Societies, unless they
purchase their Freedoms at unreasonable Rates.

[Sidenote: Hamburgh.]

_Hamburgh_ is another Market for our Manufactures; This City vends
great Quantities of our Cloth, as also Tobacco, Sugars, and other
Plantation Commodities, together with several of our Products, which
are also thence sent into _Germany_; from whence we have in Returns
Linnens, Linnen-yarn, and other Commodities, very necessary both for
the Use of our selves and of our Plantations, and little interfering
with our own Manufactures.

[Sidenote: Poland.]

_Poland_ also takes off many of our Manufacturers, wherewith it is
supplied chiefly from _Dantzick_, whither they are first carried, and
thence disperst into all Parts of that Kingdom, which hath but little
Wool of its own, and that chiefly in _Ukrania_; But the Expence of
our Cloth hath been lessened there, since _Silesia_, and the
adjoining Parts of _Germany_, have turn’d their Looms to that
Commodity, occasion’d by our disusing their Linnens, and wearing
Callicoes in their Room; we have thence some Linnens, also Potashes.

[Sidenote: Russia.]

_Russia_ is likewise supplied by way of St _Angelo_ with our Woollen
Manufactures, and other Things, also with some Tobacco; But the Sale
of the latter is decreased, occasioned (as I am inform’d) by the
Indiscretion of our Merchants that imported it; who putting an
excessive Price thereon, caused the Czar to encourage the Planting it
in his own Dominions, which being very large, and reaching from the
_Mare Album_ Northward, to the _Caspian_ Sea Southward, besides its
vast Extent from East to West, affords Climates enough proper for it;
By which Means, we are in danger of losing the Sale of that
Commodity, so profitable to the Nation, which we might have
continued, if they had not been too Covetous at first: We have in
Returns from thence, Hemp, Potashes, _Russia_ Hides, with some
Linnen, and other Commodities, both useful at home, and fit to be
carry’d abroad.

[Sidenote: Sweden.]

_Sweden_ and its Territories takes off great Quantities of our
Manufactures, both fine and coarse, and some of our Product, besides
Tobacco and Sugars, and other Plantation Goods; But the Sales of our
Cloth hath been lessen’d there, occasion’d by their loading it
with great Duties, on purpose to encourage a Manufacture of their
own; their Wool is coarse, so consequently the Cloth made thereof
must be ordinary; however, the late King encourag’d the Wearing it
by his own Example, and thought it the Interest of his Kingdom so to
do: Yet all sorts of Serges, Stuffs, and Perpets are carry’d
thither, and I think as freely as before; From thence we have Copper,
Iron, and some other Things.

[Sidenote: Denmark and Norway.]

_Denmark_ is supply’d from us with Woollen Manufactures, yet takes
no great Quantities, and _Norway_ less, the People of the latter
being generally poor; some Tobacco and Sugar is also shipp’d hence
and spent amongst them.

From these three last Northern Kingdoms we are furnished with Pitch,
Tar, Hemp, Masts, Baulks, and Deal-boards, all very useful to us, and
without which we can’t carry on our Navigation, and therefore we
must have them, though purchas’d with Money; but the Parliament
having encouraged the Importation of some of them from our
Plantations on the Continent of _America_, our Dependence on them for
those things, will in all probability be lessen’d every Year: I
look on any thing that saves our Timber, to be an Advantage to the
Nation, which Baulks and Boards do.

[Sidenote: France.]

The _French_ Trade hath every Age grown less profitable to our
Woollen Manufacturers, as the Inhabitants make wherewith to supply,
both themselves, and other Nations, which they could not do, were
they not furnished with Wool from hence and _Ireland_, their own
being unfit to Work by it self: Nor doth _France_ spend much of the
Growth and Product, either of this Kingdom, or of our Plantations,
and furnishes us with nothing to be manufactured here, so that the
Trade we drive thither turns only to their Advantage; which being
generally for Things consumed among our selves, and our Imports
exceeding our Exports, must needs be Loss to the Kingdom; But if the
Linnen Manufacture can be settled in _Scotland_ and _Ireland_, Paper,
Distilling, and Silk Manufactures, encouraged here, the Ballance will
soon be altered, especially since the _Portuguese_ have made such
Improvements in their Wines; only their Salt we shall still want for
our Fisheries.

[Sidenote: South Sea.]

As to the _South-Sea_ Trade, I cannot undertake to say much to it,
being but lately enter’d upon, and limitted by Act of Parliament to
an exclusive Company, according to whose Management it may prove more
or less advantageous to the Nation; only in this I believe we may be
certain, That they will never carry away our Bullion, as the
_East-India_ Company does, but in all Probability will bring us more.

[Sidenote: What Foreign Trades are profitable to our Manufactures,
and what are not.]

And thus I have run through the Foreign Trades driven from this
Kingdom, and shew’d how they advance its Interest, by taking off
our Product and Manufactures, and supplying us with Materials to be
manufactured again; wherein ’tis a certain Rule, that so far as any
Nation furnishes us with things already manufactured, or only to be
spent amongst our selves, so much less is our Advantage by the Trade
we drive with them; especially if those Manufactures interfere with
our own, and are purchased with Bullion. Therefore I think the
_East-India_ Trade to be unprofitable to us, hindering by its Silks,
Muslins, and Callicoes, the Consumption of more of our Manufactures
in _Europe_, than it doth take from us. The _Spanish_, _Turkey_, and
_Portugal_ Trades, are very advantageous, as they vend great
Quantities of our Manufactures, and furnish us with Materials to be
wrought up here, and disperse our Commodities to other Places, where
we could not so well send them our selves; This _Spain_ doth to its
Settlements in _America_; _Turkey_ to all its Territories, both in
_Europe_ and _Asia_, and also to _Persia_; _Portugal_ doth the same
to _Brazil_. The _Dutch_, _Hamburgh_, and _Dantzick_ Trades are very
useful, as they supply _Germany_, _Poland_, and some Parts of
_Russia_, with our Manufactures, and little interfere with us in
theirs. _Sweden_ and _Denmark_ are profitable, both in what they take
from us, and in what we have from them again. _Italy_ takes off much
of our Worsted Manufactures, and sends us little of its own, save
wrought Silks, whereof we shall every Year import less, as we
increase that Manufacture at home; But above all I esteem the
_African_ and _West-India_ Trades to be most profitable to the
Nation, as they imploy more of our People at home, and give greater
Incouragement to our Navigation by their Product; But the _French_
Trade is certainly our Loss, _France_ being like a Tavern, with whom
we spend what we get by other Nations; and ’tis strange we should
be so bewitcht to that People, as to take off their Growth, which
consists chiefly of things for Luxury, and receive a Value only for
the Esteem we put on them, whilst at the same time they prohibit our
Manufactures, in order to set up the like among themselves, which we
Encourage, by furnishing them with Wool.

[Sidenote: The Ballance of each Trade.]

The Ballance of That and the _East-India_ Trade is always against us,
from whom we have in Goods more than we Ship them, and therefore must
lessen our Bullion; The Ballance of _Spain_ and _Portugal_ is always
in our Favour, and therefore must encrease it; As for the _Dutch_,
_Germany_, and _Hamburgh_, their Ballances are not yet agreed on;
some think we Ship them most, others, that we receive most from them;
I incline to the former; The Northern Crowns supply us with more than
they take from us, but they are Commodities we can’t be without, at
least, till we can be better furnish’d with them from our
Plantations in _America_; _Turkey_ may require some Bullion, yet the
Trade we drive thither is very beneficial to us; _Italy_ will grow
more and more in its Ballance on our side, as the Importation of
wrought Silks is lessen’d, and turn’d into Raw and Thrown. Now
considering, that almost the whole World is supplied by our Labour,
and that our Plantations do daily bring us such Incomes, ’tis
strange if this Nation should not grow Rich, which doubtless it would
do above all our Neighbours, were our Trade rightly looked after.

[Sidenote: What Nations chiefly cope with us in our Manufactures.]

Those who cope with us in our Manufactures are chiefly the _French_,
but let due care be taken to prevent their being supplied with Wool
from hence and from _Ireland_, and we shall soon see an Alteration
therein; ’Tis true they have Wool of their own, but they cannot
work it without ours or _Irish_: The Commodities they make are
generally slight Stuffs, wherein they use a great deal of Combing
Wool; and these they not only wear themselves, but send them to
_Portugal_, and other Parts, with good Success; to countermine which
we have fallen on making them, by Assistance of the _French_
Refugees; I wonder at the Fancies of those Men, who are always
finding fault, that we do not make our Manufactures as strong as
formerly we did, wherein I think they are to be blamed, for we must
fit them to the Humours of the Buyers, and slight Cloth brings as
much Profit to the Nation as strong, and the same Employment to the
Poor; yet where Seals and other Marks are set, let them be certain
Evidences to the truth of what they certifie, either as to the Length
of the Piece, or that the Inside is suitable to the Outside, or that
’tis truly Wove, and without Flaws; the same with respect to the
Colour, that ’tis Woaded, or Madder’d, or the like, But there is
a great deal of Difference between this, and obliging the
Manufacturer to make his Cloth or Stuff to a certain Weight and
Thickness, without respect to the Buyer, or the Climate to which it
is sent; As for the _Dutch_, as I take them to be no good Planters,
so likewise no good Manufacturers, their Heads are not turned that
way, but rather to Traffick and Navigation; The _Flanderkins_ were
once famous in the Art of Cloth-making, which they carried on by the
Wool they fetcht hence: But King _Edward_ the Third, by keeping our
Wool at Home, put a stop to that Manufacture; If therefore the
Prohibiting our Wool to be carry’d out had at that time so good an
Effect and Consequence against those People, why should not our Care
to prevent its being carryed out now, have the same against the
_French_? we cannot indeed hinder them from _Spanish_, but we may
from our own and _Irish_; As for _Sweden_, I am apt to think their
Manufactures will come to little; And as for _Germany_, the Woollen
Manufacture is not so Natural to them as the Linnen, which they would
keep close to, if we gave them Encouragement, by wearing it here, and
sending it to our Plantations, which would be more advantagious to
us, than by the use of Muslins and Callicoes, to put them on Fencing
with us at our own Weapons, which they very unwillingly undertake;
The Woollen Manufactures in _Italy_ are but small, and those chiefly
among the _Venetians_, something among the _Genoese_, these we cannot
hinder, being supply’d with Wool from those Parts of _Spain_ which
are near them, except we could promote a Contract with the _Spaniard_
for all he hath, and if it should be objected, that we should then
have too much, ’tis better to burn the Overplus at the Charge of
the Publick, (as the _Dutch_ do their Spices) than to have it wrought
up abroad, which we can’t otherwise prevent, seeing all the Wool of
_Europe_ is Manufactured somewhere; and if the Act for Burying in
Woollen did extend to our Plantations in _America_, ’twould be of
great use towards the Consumption of our Wooll; Thus, when the Nation
comes to see, that the Labour of its People is its Wealth, ’twill
put us on finding out Methods to make every one work that is able;
which must be done, by hindring such swarms from going off to Idle
and useless Employments, and by preventing such Multitudes of lazy
People from being Maintained by Begging.

[Sidenote: Difference in Employing our own Ships and those of other
Nations.]

And this is farther to be noted in our Trade with Foreign Nations,
that where they fetch from us our Product and Manufactures, and make
their Imports to us, in their own Ships, we get less by the Trade we
drive with them, than if we did it in ours, because That doth also
Encourage our Navigation; and Freights are a great and profitable
Article in Trade; Therefore we get more by the _Spanish_ Trade,
because we generally drive it in our own Bottoms; and we lose more by
the _French_ Trade when they bring us their Wines and Brandy, than
when we fetch them ourselves; and accordingly we may take our
Measures in judging of all other Trades.

[Sidenote: Whether a true Judgment may be made of the Ballance of
Foreign Trade.]

It hath been a great Debate how the Ballance of our Foreign Trade
shall be computed, and what Methods we should take whereby to know
it, and it has been thought, that the most proper way to make a true
Judgment therein is, by taking an Account from the Custom-House Books
of our Exports and Imports; But if this Method would do, yet I do not
think there can be any certainty, either of the one or the other,
drawn from thence; for, as for our Imports, the Bullion, and such
things of Value, are not entered there, and seldom presented; and as
to the Exports, seeing our Woollen Manufactures go out Custom-Free,
the Entries there made of them cannot be depended on; But suppose a
more exact account of our Exports and Imports could be had, yet since
so great a part of the Trade of this Kingdom is driven by Exchange,
and such vast Quantities of Commodities are Imported from our
Plantations for account of the Inhabitants there, the Produce whereof
they leave here as a stock at Home, and that they are supply’d
hence with so many things for their own Consumption, I cannot see how
any Moderate Computation can be this way made of our general Trade,
much less of that we drive with any particular Nation, the
Commodities which we receive at one place, being often carried to an
another; Thus we transport to _Italy_ the Sugars we receive for our
Manufactures in _Portugal_, and bring thence Silk and other things to
be manufactured here, and yet we must not conclude we lose by the
_Portugal_ Trade, because the Returns thence fall short by the
Custom-House Books, or that we get more by the _Italian_ Trade,
because it doth not appear by those Books how we Exported Commodities
to pay for what we Import thence; And as to the Profits we make by
the Freights of our Ships, it doth not at all appear from them, nor
at what Rates our Product and Manufactures are sold abroad, or our
Plantation Goods to Foreigners at home; so the thing must still
remain doubtful; and I know no more certain way to Judge of it, than
by the Increase the Nation makes in its Bullion, which always arises
from the over Ballance of our Foreign Barter and Commerce.

[Sidenote: Committee of Trade.]

And for the better Encouraging the Trade of this Kingdom, I think it
well worthy the Thoughts of a Parliament, whether a standing
Committee, made up of Men well verst therein, should not be
appointed; whose sole Business it should be to consider the state
thereof, and to find out Ways to Improve it; to see how the Trades we
drive with Foreign Kingdoms, grow more or less profitable to us; How
and by what Means we are out done by others in the Trades we drive,
or hindered from Emlarging them; what is necessary to be prohibited,
both in our Exports and Imports, and for how long time; to hear
Complaints from our Factories abroad, and to Correspond with our
Ministers there, in affairs relating to our Trade, and to represent
all things rightly to the Government, with their Advice, what Courses
are proper to be taken for its Encouragement; and generally to study
by what means and Methods the Trade of this Kingdom may be Improved,
both abroad and at home.

If this was well settled, the good Effects thereof would soon be
seen; But then great Care must be taken, that these Places be not
fill’d up with such who know nothing of the Business, and thereby
this Excellent Constitution become only a Matter of Form and Expence.

In the Management of things of much less moment, we employ such who
are supposed to understand what they undertake, and believe they
cannot be carryed on without them; Whilst the general Trade of the
Nation (which is the support of all) lies neglected, as if the Coggs
that direct its Wheels did not need skill to keep them true; Trade
requires as much Policy as matters of State, and can never be kept in
a regular Motion by Accident; when the Frame of our Trade is out of
Order, we know not where to begin to mend it, for want of a set of
Experienced Builders, ready to receive Applications, and able to
judge where the Defect lies.

Such a Committee as this will soon appear to be of great Use and
Service, both to the Parliament in Framing Laws relating to Trade,
and also to the Government in the Treaties they make with Foreign
Nations.

As to the First, It hath sometimes been thought, that when That Great
and Glorious Assembly hath medled with Trade, they have left it worse
than they found it; And the Reason is, because the Laws relating to
Trade, require more time to look into their distant Consequences,
than a Session will admit; whereof we have had many Instances.

To begin with the _French_ Trade; in the 22d _Car._ II. a new Import
was laid on Wines, _viz._ Eight Pounds _per_ Tun on the _French_, and
Twelve Pounds _per_ Tun on _Spanish_ and _Portuguese_; This
Difference (with the low Subsidies put on their Linnens by former
Acts, in respect to those of other Places) was a great Means of
bringing the Ballance of That Trade so much against us, that the
Parliament in the 7th and 8th of _Gul._ III. thought fit to make an
Act, (and is continued by this present Parliament for a longer time)
which in Effect prohibited all Trade with that Nation for One and
Twenty Years, by laying a great Duty on the Importations thence, in
order to prevent a Correspondence, till the Trade should be better
regulated.

In the 14th _Car._ II. Logwood was permitted by Act of Parliament to
be imported, paying Five Pounds _per_ Tun Duty; The same Act repeals
two Statutes of Queen _Elizabeth_ against Importing and Using it in
Dying here, and sets forth the Ingenuity of our Dyers, in finding out
ways to fix the Colours made with it; and yet at the same time gave a
Draw-back of Three Pounds Fifteen Shillings _per_ Tun on all that
should be Exported, whereby Foreigners use it so much cheaper in
their Manufactures than ours can here; which proceeded from a too
hasty making that Law, and being advised, or rather abused, by those,
who regarded more their own Interest, then That of the Nation.

By an Act made 1 _Ja._ II. an Impost of Two Shillings and Four Pence
_per Ct._ was laid on Muscovado Sugars imported from the Plantations,
to be drawn back at Exportation; the Traders to the Plantations
stir’d in this Matter, and set forth, That such a Duty would
discourage the Refining them here, by hindering the Exportation of
Refined Sugars, which was then considerable, and carry that
Manufacture to _Holland_ and _Flanders_; But the Commissioners of the
Customs prevailed against them, and the Bill past; the Fatal
Consequences whereof soon appear’d, for the Exporters of Muscavado
Sugars, drawing back Two Shillings and Four Pence _per Cent._ by that
Act, and nine Pence _per Cent._ by the Act of Tunnage and Poundage,
Foreign Markets were supply’d with Refined Sugars from other places
cheaper, by about Twelve _per Cent_, than we could furnish them
hence, by which means we were beat out of that Trade; And tho’ the
Duty of Two Shillings and Four Pence _per Ct._ was not continued on
the Expiration of That Act by the Parliament 2d W. and M. (as they
did the Threepence _per_ Pound on Tobacco) the bad Effects thereof
being then apparent, yet ’tis difficult to retrieve a Lost Trade,
Trading Nations being like Expert Generals, who make Advantages of
the Mistakes of each other, and take care to hold what they get.

By a Statute 4th and 5th W. M. Twenty Shillings _per_ Tun was laid on
_Lapis Caliminaris_ Dug here and Exported, on an Information given to
the House of Commons, that it was not to be had any where else; the
Merchants concerned in Exporting that Commodity made Application, and
set forth, that such a Duty would bring in Nothing to the Crown, but
be a total Bar to its Exportation; yet the Act past, and we were like
to have made a fatal Experiment, for till the Statute of the 7th and
8th of the same King, which reduced the Duty to Two Shillings _per_
Tun, the Exportation ceased; and in the mean time, those Places,
which had been discouraged from Digging and Calcining it, because we
undersold them, set again to Work, and supplied the Markets where we
Vended ours.

What Injury was done by the Act made in the 9th and 10th W. IIId. for
the more effectual Preventing the Importation of Foreign Bonelace,
&c. doth sufficiently appear by the Preamble of That made in the 11th
and 12th of the same Reign for repealing it Three Months after the
Prohibition of our Wollen Manufactures in _Flanders_ (which was
occasioned by it) should be there taken off; but I don’t understand
that is yet done, and it may prove an irrecoverable Loss to the
Nation.

I mention these things with great Submission to the Judgment of that
Glorious Assembly, the Wisdom and Strength of the Nation; to whom I
only presume with all Humility to offer my Thoughts, that it would
very much tend to the putting Matters of Trade into a True Light
before them, if they were first referred to a Body of Men, well verst
in the true Principles thereof, and able to see through the
Sophistical Arguments of contending Parties, to be by them
considered, and well digested, before they received the Sanction of a
Law.

And as to Foreign Treaties; I do not think our Trade hath been so
much bettered by them as it might have been, for want of such a
Committee; the Representations made by Private Merchants, (who
generally differ according as their Interests clash with each other)
tending rather to distract, than to inform the Government; which
would not be, if their first Applications were made to an
Experienc’d Committee, who had Judgment enough to subtract out of
them what was proper to be offer’d; By which means, our Demands
might be rendred short and comprehensive.

We have Natural Advantages in Trade above other Nations, besides the
Benefit of our Scituation, the Foundation of our Woollen Manufactures
being as it were peculiar to our own Growth, and may be retained
amongst our selves; An Advantage the _French_ have not, whose Wealth
arising chiefly from the Exportation of their Wines, Brandy, Salt,
Paper, Silks, and Linnens, both we and other Nations, have made such
a Progress in them all since the War began, as to render theirs less
sought for; whereas, nothing but our own Neglects, and ill
Managements, can let our Neighbours into our Manufactures, which we
may soon put a stop to, by securing our Wool at Home.

[Sidenote: Insurance.]

I cannot close this Discourse, without speaking something of
Insurance; The first Design whereof was to encourage the Merchants to
Export more of our Product and Manufactures, when they knew how to
ease themselves in their Adventures, and to bear only such a
Proportion thereof as they were willing and able to do; but by the
Irregular Practices of some Men, this first Intention is wholly
obviated; who without any Interest, have put in early Policies, and
gotten large Subscriptions on Ships, only to make Advantage by
Selling them to Others; and therefore have Industriously promoted
False Reports, and spread Rumours, to the Prejudice of the Ships and
Masters, filling Mens Minds with Doubts, whereby the fair Trading
Merchant, when he comes to Insure his Interest, either can get no one
to Underwrite, or at such high Rates, that he finds it better to Buy
the Others Policies at Advance; by this means these Stock-Jobbers of
Insurance have as it were turn’d it into a Wager, to the great
Prejudice of Trade; Likewise many ill designing Men, their Policies
being over-valued, have (to the Abhorence of Honest Traders, and to
the Scandal of Trade it self) contriv’d the Loss of their own
Ships; On the other side, the Underwriters, when a Loss is ever so
fairly proved, boggle in their Payments, and force the Insured to be
content with less than their Agreements, for fear of engaging
themselves in long and chargeable Suits.

Now if the Parliament would please to take these things into their
Consideration, they may reduce Insurance to its first Intention, by
obliging the Insured to bear such a Proportionable part of his
Adventure (the Premio included) as to them shall seem fit, and also
the Insurers, when a loss is fully made out, to pay their
Subscriptions without Abatement, which will prevent both; and if any
Differences should arise, to direct easy ways for adjusting them,
without attending long Issues at Law, or being bound up to such nice
Rules in their Proofs, as the Affairs of Foreign Trade will not admit.

[Sidenote: Wilful casting away Ships by the Owners.]

I know, that by a Clause in a Statute made _primo Annæ_, the wilful
Casting away, Burning, or otherwise destroying a Ship, by any
Captain, Master, Mariner, or other Officer belonging to it, is made
Felony, without Benefit of Clergy; But that Statute is so
qualify’d, that it is difficult to Convict the Offender, because
the Fact must be done, to the Prejudice of the Owner or Owners, or of
any Merchant or Merchants that shall load Goods thereon, else he doth
not come within its Penalty, so it doth not reach the Evil I here
mention, _viz._ the Abominable Contrivance of the Owners to have
their own Ships destroyed, in order to make an Advantage by their
Insurances; (a Crime so black in it self, that it cannot be mentioned
without Horror). These Men, when they frame their dark Designs, will
take care, for the Security of those they employ, that none besides
themselves shall load Goods on the Ships they intend shall be thus
destroyed, and it cannot be supposed that they receive Prejudice
thereby themselves, so the Prosecution on that Statute is evaded; But
if the Insured were bound to make out their Interests, and to bear a
Proportionable part of the Loss themselves, this would as it were
Naturally prevent such Scandalous Practices.

[Sidenote: Whether the Price of Labour is a Hindrance to Improvements
in our Products and Manufactures.]

Before I enter on the Business of the Poor, I will consider of a
Question that hath arisen, and I have heard sometimes debated by Men
of good Understanding, which is, Whether the Labour of the Poor being
so high, does not hinder Improvements in our Product and
Manufactures; Which having some Relation to the Subject Matter of
this Discourse, I shall offer my Thoughts thereon, with Submission to
better Judgments, _viz._ That both our Product and Manufactures may
be carry’d on to Advantage, without running down the Labour of the
Poor.

As to the first, our Product, I am of opinion, that the running down
the Labour of the Poor is no advantage to it, nor is it the Interest
of that part of the Kingdom called _England_ to do it, nor can the
People thereof live on so low Wages as they do in other Countries;
for we must consider, that Wages must bear a Rate in all Nations
according to the Price of Provisions; where Wheat is sold for One
Shilling _per_ Bushel, and all things suitable, a labouring Man may
afford to work for Three Pence a day, as well as he can for Twelve
Pence, where it is sold for Four Shillings; and this Price of Wheat
arises chiefly from the Value of Land; For it cannot be imagined,
that the Farmer who gives Twenty Shillings _per_ Acre, can afford it
as low as he whose Lands cost him but Five Shillings _per_ Acre, and
produces the same Crop, nor can Labour be expected to be so low in
such a Country, as in the other; This is the Case of _England_, whose
Lands yielding great Rents, require good Prices for the Product; and
this is the Freeholders Advantage; for supposing Necessaries to be
the Current Payment for Labour, in such cases, whether we call a
Bushel of Wheat One Shilling, or Four Shillings, it will be all one
to him, for so much as he pays, but not for the Overplus of his Crop,
which makes a great Difference into his Pocket; you cannot fall
Wages, unless you fall Product; and if you fall Product, you must
necessarily fall Lands.

And as for the Second, our Manufactures, I am of Opinion, that they
may be carryed on to Advantage, without running down the Labour of
the Poor; for which I offer

1. Observation, or Experience of what hath been done; we have and
daily do see that it is so; the Refiners of Sugars sell for Six Pence
_per_ Pound, what yielded formerly Twelve Pence; the Distillers sell
their Spirits for one half of what they formerly did; Glass Bottles,
Silk-Stockins, and other Manufactures (too many to be here
enumerated) are sold for not much more than half the Price they were
some years since, without falling the Labour of the Poor.

But then the Question will be, how this is done? Truly it proceeds
from the Ingenuity of the Manufacturer, and the Improvements he
attains to in the ways of his Working; Thus the Refiners of Sugars go
through that Operation by easier Methods, and in less time, than
their Predecessors did; Thus the Distillers draw more Spirits from
the things they work on, than those formerly did who taught them the
Art; The Glass-Maker hath found a Quicker way of making it out of
things which cost him little; Silk-Stockings are Wove; Tobacco is cut
by Engines; Books are Printed; Deal-Boards are Sawn with Mills; Lead
is Smelted by Wind-Furnaces; all which save the Labour of many Hands,
so the Wages of those employed need not be fallen.

Besides which, there is a Cunning crept into Trades; The Clock-maker
hath improved his Art to such a degree, that Labour and Materials are
the least Part the Buyer pays for; The variety of our Woollen
Manufactures is so pretty, that Fashion makes a thing worth twice the
Price it is sold for after, the Humour of the Buyer carrying a great
Sway in its Value; Artificers, by Tools and Laves, fitted for
different Uses, make such things, as would puzzle a stander by to set
a Price on, according to the worth of Mens Labour; the Plummer by new
Inventions casts a Tun of shot for Ten Shillings, which might seem to
deserve Forty.

The same Art is crept into Navigation; Freights are much fallen from
what they formerly were at, and yet Sailor’s Wages are still the
same; Ships are built more for Stowage, and made strong enough to be
loaden between Decks, and Voyages are performed in less time; Wool is
Steved into them by such proper Instruments, that three or four Baggs
are put, where one would not else lye; Cranes and Blocks help to draw
up more for one Shilling, then Mens Labour without them would do for
Five.

New Projections are every day set on Foot to render the making our
Woollen Manufactures easy, which should be render’d cheaper by the
Contrivance of the Manufacturers, not by falling the Price of Labour;
Cheapness creates Expence, and Expence gives fresh Employments,
whereby the Poor will be still kept at Work.

The same for our Product; Mines and Pitts are drained by Engines and
Aquæducts instead of Hands; the Husband-Man turns up the Ground with
his Sullow, not Diggs it with his Spade; covers his Grain with the
Harrow, not with the Rake; brings home his Harvest with Carts, not on
Mens Backs; and many other easy Methods are used, both for Improving
of Land, and raising its Product, which lessen the number of
Labourers, and make room for better Wages to be given those that are
Imployed.

Nor am I of their Opinion, who think the running down the Price of
our Growth and Product, that so they may buy Provisions cheap, an
Advantage to the Inland Trade of this Kingdom, but of the contrary.

To understand this rightly, let us begin with the Shop-keeper, or
Buyer and Seller, who is the Wheel whereon the Inland Trade turns, as
he buys of the Importer and Manufacturer, and sells again to the
Country; suppose this Man spends Two Hundred Pounds _per_ Annum in
all things necessary for himself and Family, as Provisions, Cloaths,
House-Rent, and other Expences, the Question will be, what part of
this is laid out in Flesh, Corn, Butter, Cheese, &c. barely
considered according to their first Cost in the Market? I presume
Fifty or Sixty Pounds _per_ Annum to be the most, whereon the Advance
to him will not be so much by keeping up our Product to a good Rate,
as the Profits which will consequently arise in his Trade will amount
unto; For by this means the Farmer will be enabled to give a better
Rent to his Landlord, who may then keep a more Plentiful Table, spend
more Wine, Fruit, Sugars, Spices, and other things wherewith he is
furnished from the City, suit himself and his Family oftner, and
carry on a greater Splendour in every thing; the Farmer according to
his condition may do the same, and give higher Wages to the Labourers
imployed in Husbandry, who may then live better, and buy new Cloaths
oftner, instead of patching up old ones; by this means the
Manufacturers will be encouraged to give a better Price for Wooll and
Labour, when they shall find a Vent as fast as they can make; and a
Flux of Wealth causing a Variety of Fashions, will add Wings to their
Inventions, when they shall see their Manufactures advanced in their
Values by the Buyer’s Fancy; This likewise will encourage the
Merchants to encrease their Exports, when they shall find a quick
Vent for their Imports; By which regular Circulation, Payments will
be short, and all will grow rich; But when Trade deadens in the
Fountain, when the Gentlemen and the Farmers are kept low, every one
in his order feels it, It being most certain, and grounded on the
Observation of all Men who have lookt into it, That in those Countrys
where Provisions are Cheap, the People are generally Poor, both
proceeding from the want of Trade; so that he who will give a right
Judgment in this Matter, must not consider things only as they offer
themselves at the first Sight, but as they will be in their
Consequences.

As to the other part of _Great Britain_ called _Scotland_, I can say
little with Relation to this Matter, my Knowledge of that part of the
Kingdom being not sufficient to enable me to do it: But I am apt to
believe, that the same General Maxim must hold good there also,
_viz._ That the Rates of Labour must be according to the Prices of
Provisions, and those according to the Rents of the Lands.

[Sidenote: The Poor.]

Having thus gone through the State of the Nation with respect to its
Trade, I will next consider it with respect to the Poor.

And here it cannot but seem strange, that this Kingdom, which so much
abounds in Product and Manufactures, besides the Imployment given in
Navigation, should want work for any of its People; the _Dutch_, who
have little of the two former, if compared with us, and do not exceed
us in the latter, suffer no Beggars; whereas we, whose Wealth
consists in the Labour of our Inhabitants, seem to encourage them in
an Idle way of Living, contrary to their own and the Nations Interest.

The Curse under which Man first fell was Labour; That by the Sweat of
his Brows he should eat his Bread; This is a state of Happiness, if
compared to that which attends Idleness: He that walks the Streets of
_London_, and observes the Fatigues used by the Beggars to make
themselves seem Objects of Charity, must conclude, that they take
more Pains than an Honest Man doth at his Trade, and yet seem not to
get Bread to eat: Beggary is now become an Art or Mystery, to which
Children are brought up from their Cradles; any thing that may move
Compassion is made a Livelyhood, a Sore Leg or Arm, or for want
thereof a Pretended one; the Tricks and Devices I have observed to be
used by these People, have often made me think, that those Parts, if
better employed, might be made useful to the Nation.

Here I will consider,

1. What hath been the Cause of this Mischief of Idleness, and how it
hath crept in upon us.

2. What must be done to restrain its going farther.

3. What Methods are proper to be used, in order to make a Provision
for those who are past their Labour.

As to the First; we shall find that it hath proceeded, partly from
the Abuse of those Laws we have, and partly from want of better;
Licences for Ale-houses were at first granted for good Ends, not to
draw Men aside from their Labour by Games and Sports, but to support
and refresh them under it; and as they were then a Maintainance to
the Aged, so Poor Families had Opportunities of being supplied with a
Cup of Ale from Abroad, who could not keep it at Home; great
Observation was also made to prevent Idle Tipling, our Fore-Fathers
considered, that time so spent was a Loss to the Nation, whose
Interest was improved by the Labour of its Inhabitants; Whereas
Ale-houses are now encouraged, to promote the Income of Excise, on
whom there must be no Restraint, lest the King’s Revenue should be
lessened; Thus we live by Sense, and look only at things we see,
without revolving on what the Issue will be, not considering, that
the Labour of each Man, if well employ’d, whilst he sits in an
Ale-house, would be worth much more to the Nation, than the Excise he
pays.

But above all, our Laws to set the Poor at Work are short and
Defective, tending rather to Maintain them so, then to raise them to
a better way of Living; ’Tis true, those Laws design well, but
consisting only in Generals, and not reducing things to Practicable
Methods, they fall short of answering their Ends, and thereby render
the Poor more bold, when they know the Parish Officers are bound,
either to provide them Work, or to give them Maintenance.

Now, if we delighted more in the Encouraging our Manufactures, our
Poor might be better Employed, and then ’twould be a shame, for any
Person capable of Labour, to live Idle; which leads me to the Second
Consideration, What must be done to restrain this Habit of Idleness
from going farther.

Here I find, that nothing but good Laws can do it, such as may
provide Work for those who are willing, and force them to Work that
are able; And for this use I think Work-houses very expedient, but
they must be Founded on such Principles, as may employ the Poor, for
which they must be fitted, and the Poor for them; wherein Employments
must be provided for all sorts of People, who must also be compelled
to go thither when sent, and the Work-houses to receive them; and the
Materials which seem most proper for them are Simples, such as Wooll,
Hemp, Cotton, and the like, which may either be sent in by the
Manufacturers, or be bought up on a Stock raised for that End; These
will employ great Numbers, of both Sexes, and all Ages, either by
Beating and Fitting the Hemp, or by Dressing and Spinning the Flax,
or by Carding and Spinning the Wool and Cotton, of Different
Finenesses; and if a Reward was given to that Person who should spin
the Finest Thread of either, as they do in _Ireland_ for their
Linnen, to be adjudged Yearly, and paid by the County, or by any
other manner as shall be thought fit, ’twould very much promote
Industry and Ingenuity, whilst every one being stir’d up by
Ambition, and Hopes of Profit, would endeavour to exceed the rest; by
which means we should also grow more excellent in our Manufactures.

Nor should these Houses hinder any who desire to Work at Home, or the
Manufacturers from Employing them, the Design being to Provide places
for those who care not to Work any where, and to make the Parish
Officers more Industrious to find them out, when they know whither to
send them, by which means they would be better able to maintain the
Impotent.

It seems also convenient, that these Work-houses, when setled in
Cities and great Towns, should not be only Parochial, but one or more
in each Place, as will best suit it; which would prevent the Poors
being sent from Parish to Parish, and Provided for no where; and when
once the Poor shall come by use to be in love with Labour, ’twill
be strange to see an Idle Person; Then they will be so far from being
a Burthen to the Nation, that they will become its Wealth, and their
own Lives also will be more comfortable to them.

There are other things which will employ the Poor besides our
Manufactures, and are also equally Beneficial to the Nation; such as
Navigation, Husbandry, and Handicrafts; here if these or such like
Rules were observed, they might be made more advantageous to all.

As First, Let the Justices of the Peace have Power to assign Youth to
Artificers, Husbandry, Manufacturers, and Mariners, and to bind them
Apprentices for a Time certain, at such Ages as they shall think
’em fit to go on those Employments, who should also be obliged to
receive them; and tho’ this may at first seem hard, as hindring the
Masters from taking Servants who may bring them Money, yet after some
time it will not, when those who were so bound out themselves, shall
only do for others what was done for them before; and this also may
be now made good to them, by such an Overplus of years in their
Apprentiships, as may be an Equivalent to the Money.

And as for those of elder years, who will rather Beg than Work, let
them be forced to serve the King in his Fleet, or the Merchants on
board their Ships; the Sea is very good to cure sore Leggs and Arms,
especially such as are Counterfeits, against which, the Capstern,
with the Taunts of the Sailors, is a certain Remedy.

Next, for Ale-houses, Coffee-houses, and such like Employments, let
them be kept only by Aged People, or such who have numerous Families.

Let Masters of Ships be obliged to carry with them some Landmen every
Voyage, which will increase our Seamen, and let the Justices have
Power to force them to receive such as are willing to enter
themselves, and to settle the Rates of their Wages.

Let Young People be prohibited from Hawking about the streets, and
from Singing Ballads; if these things be allowed, they are fitter for
Age.

Stage-Plays, Lotteries, and Gaming-houses should be strictly looked
after, Youth, in this Age of Idleness and Luxury, being not only
drawn aside by them, but also more willing to put themselves on such
easy ways of living, than on Labour.

These and such like Methods, being Improved by the Wisdom of a
Parliament, may tend, not only to the Introducing a Habit of Virtue
amongst us, but also to the making Multitudes of People serviceable,
who are now useless to the Nation; there being scarce any one, who is
not capable of doing something towards his Maintenance, and what his
Labour doth fall short, must be made up by Charity; but as things now
are, no Man knows where ’tis rightly plac’d, by which means those
who are truly Objects do not partake thereof; And let it be
consider’d, that if every Person did by his Labour add one
Half-penny _per diem_ to the Publick, ’twould bring in Seven
Millions six Hundred and Four Thousand one Hundred Sixty six Pounds
thirteen Shillings _per Annum_, (accounting ten Millions of People to
be in the Kingdom) so vast a Sum may be raised from a Multitude, if
every one adds a little.

Nor is the sending lazy People to our Plantations abroad (who can
neither by good Laws be forced, or by Rewards be encourag’d to work
at home) so prejudicial to the Nation as some do imagine, where they
must expect another sort of Treatment, if they will not labour;
’tis true, they give no help in the Manufactures here, but That is
made up in the Product they raise there, which is also Profit to the
Nation; Besides, the Humours and other Circumstances of People are to
be enquired into, some have been very useful there, who would never
have been so here: And if the People of this Kingdom be employ’d to
the Advantage of the Community, no Matter in what part of the
King’s Dominions it is; many hundreds by going to those
Plantations, have become profitable Members to the Common-wealth, who
had they continued here, had still remain’d Idle Drones; now they
raise Sugar, Cotton, Tobacco, and other things, which employ Sailors
abroad, and Manufacturers at home, all which being the Product of
Earth and Labour, I take to be the Wealth of the Nation.

The Employment of Watermen on the River _Thames_ breeds many Sailors,
and it were good to keep them still fill’d with Apprentices; also
the Employment of Bargemen, Lightermen, and Trowmen, both on That and
other Rivers, does the same, who should be encouraged to breed up
Landmen, and fit them for the Sea.

Idleness is the Foundation of all those Vices which prevail among us,
People, aiming to be maintained any way rather than by Labour, betake
themselves to all sorts of Villanies; the ill Consequences whereof
cannot be prevented, but by encouraging Youth in an early delight of
Living by Industry, and on what they call their Own, rather than by
Dependance on others, which will keep up a true British Spirit, and
put them on Honest Endeavours, and this will get them Credit and
Reputation, and give them Opportunities of advancing their Fortunes;
and if such an Emulation went through the Kingdom, we should not have
so many Lazy Beggars, or Licentious Livers, as now there are; Nor is
GOD more honour’d among any, than He is among such Industrious
People, who abhor Vice, on equal Principles of Religion and good
Husbandry, Labour being usually a Barrier against Sin, which doth
generally enter at the Doors of Idleness.

[Sidenote: Mr. Edward Colson’s Two Almshouses in Bristol.]

The Third Consideration is, What Methods must be used to provide for
those, who either are not able to work, or whose Labour can’t
support their Charge; Here I take Alms-houses to be good Gifts, where
they are designed to relieve Old Age, or Educate Youth; not to
maintain idle Beggars, or ease Rich Parishes, but to provide for
those who have been bred up in Careful Employments, tho’ not able
to stem the Current of Cross Fortunes: Two such have been sumptuously
Founded, and suitably Endowed, in the City of _Bristol_, _Edward
Colson_, Esq; a Merchant and Native thereof, who is still living; one
of them for Twenty Four Men and Women, who had formerly lived well;
the Other for One hundred Boys, to be Educated in the Principles of
Vertue, and afterwards set out to Trades, whereby they may get their
Livelihoods; a Charity so great in it self, and carried on so free
from Ostentation, that the like is not to be seen in any Part of this
Kingdom, of the Free Gift of One Gentleman in his Life-time; which he
hath settled in the Society of Merchants Adventurers within That
City, of whose Care and Fidelity in the well Management thereof, he
is fully Satisfied.

Another way to provide for those who are true Objects of Charity is,
by taking Care that the Poors Rates be made with more equality in
Cities and great Towns, especially in the former; where the greatest
Number of Poor usually residing together in the Suburbs or
Out-Parishes, are very Serviceable by their Labours to the Rich, in
carrying on their Trades; yet when Age, Sickness, or a Numerous
Family, make them desire Relief, their chief Dependance must be on
People but one step above their own Conditions; by which means these
Out-Parishes are more burthened in their Payments, than the
In-Parishes are, tho’ much Richer, and is one Reason why they are
so ill Inhabited, no Man careing to come to a certain Charge: And
this is attended with another ill Consequence, the want of better
Inhabitants making way for those Disorders which easily grow among
the Poor; whereas, if Cities and Towns were made but one Poors Rate,
or equally divided into more, these Inconveniencies would be removed,
and the Poor be maintained by a more equal Contribution.

[Sidenote: Hospital for Ancient Sailors and their Widdows.]

And that a better Provision may be made for the Relief of Sailors
(who having spent their Labours in the Service of the Nation, and
through Age and Disasters are no longer fit for the Fatigues of the
Sea, ought to be taken Care of at Home) let a small Deduction be made
from the Freights of Ships, and from Seamens Wages, to be Collected
by a Society of honest Men in every Sea-Port; This, with what
Additions might be made by the Gifts of Worthy Benefactors, would be
sufficient to Raise a Fund, to maintain them in their Old-Age, who in
their Youths were our Walls and Bulwarks; But it must be settled by
Law, and no Man left at his Liberty whether he will pay or no; These
are generally the most Laborious People that we have; I do not mean
those scoundrel Fellows, who often creep in under that Name, but the
true Sailor, who can turn his hand to any thing rather than begging,
and I am many times troubled to see the Miserable Conditions they and
their Families are reduced to, when their Labours are done;
Alms-Houses Raised for them, are as great Acts of Piety as Building
of Churches; Age requires Relief, especially where Youth hath been
spent in Labour so Profitable to the Publick as That of a Sailor; And
not only themselves, but their Widows ought to be provided for; In
this the Worshipful Society of the Merchants Adventurers within the
City of _Bristol_ are a Worthy Pattern.

And as for those who loose their Lives or Limbs Fighting against the
Enemy, Themselves or Families ought to be rewarded with Bountiful
Stipends, which if Raised by a Tax, I doubt not would be cheerfully
paid; ’Tis attended with sad Thoughts, when a Woman sees her
Husband Prest into the Service, and knows if He miscarries her Family
is undone, and She and They must come to the Parish; whereas if this
Provision was made, the Fleet would be more easily Mann’d, our
Merchants Ships better defended, Sailors more ready to serve in both,
and their Wives to let them go; But great Care must be taken, that
Charity be not Abused, by being put into the Pockets of those who are
appointed to dispose of it.

These or such like Heads being laid down in a former Discourse on
this Subject, the Magistrates of the City of _Bristol_ were the first
that approved of the Scheme, and desired the Substance thereof might
be reduced to Particulars, suitable for that Place; whereupon the
following Proposals were laid before them, _viz._

That a Spacious Work-House be erected in some Vacant Place within
this City on a General Charge, large enough for the Poor who are to
be Employed therein, and also with Rooms for such, who being unable
to Work, are to be relieved by Charity.

That the Rules of this House be such, as may force all Persons to
Work, that are able, and encourage the Manufacturers of this City to
supply them with Materials to Work on; which they will be ready to
do, having so good a Security as this will be for their being
returned to them again when Wrought up.

That all People who are not able to maintain their Children, may put
them into this Work-House or Hospital at what Ages they will, where
they shall be settled till the Age of ### Years, by which means they
may in the end be of no Charge to the said Work-House or Hospital;
And the good Effects will be these, Children will be bred up to
Labour, Principles of Virtue will be implanted in them early by the
Good Government thereof, and Laziness and Beggary will be discouraged.

That the Antient People who are past their Labours shall have
Lodgings, and Weekly Pay, or be otherwise provided for according to
their Wants, who may still do something towards their Mantenance, and
the Women may look after the young Children.

That the Rates of the Poor of this City, being all united into one
common Fund, may be enough to carry on this good Work; By which means
the Magistrates will be freed from the Trouble which they daily have
about the Settlement of the Poor, the Parish-Officers will be eased,
the Poors Stock will not be spent in Law, but they will be provided
for, without being sent from Parish to Parish, and their Children
will be settled in ways of being Serviceable to the Publick Good, and
not be bred up in all manner of Vice, as now they are.

That the Governors of this Hospital or Work-House have Power to force
all Poor People to Work in it, who do not betake themselves to some
Lawful Imployment elsewhere, but spend their Time Lazily and Idly.

That the said Governors have Power to settle out the young People at
such Ages as they shall think fit; the Boys to Navigation, Husbandry,
and Manufactures; the Maids in Service, and to bind them Apprentices
for certain Years.

That this will prevent Children from being Starved, by the Poverty of
their Parents, and neglect of the Parish Officers, which is now a
great Loss to the Nation; forasmuch as every Person if Imployed,
would by his Labour add to the Wealth of the Publick.

That this will encourage Men of Charity to make Endowments, when they
shall see their Bounties so well laid out.

That Application be made, in order to procure an Act of Parliament,
for the better Carrying on this Work.

Which Proposals being considered of in several Meetings of the
Citizens Appointed for that Purpose, were with some Alterations made
the Model for an Act of Parliament, which past _Anno Septimo & Octavo
Gulielmi Tertii_, being the first Act of that Nature, from which
sundry Acts for many other Places have taken their Frame; and tho’
the Promoters thereof, met with more difficulties and discouragements
in the Execution, than they did expect, yet to the Honour of those
Gentlemen it must be said, that they never lookt back, but with the
utmost Application, prosecuted what they had undertaken, till they
brought it to such a State, as to render it Plain and Practicable to
their Successors; And this good Effect it hath had, that there is not
a common Beggar, or disorderly Vagrant, seen in their Streets, but
Charity is given in its proper Place and Manner, and the Magistrates
are freed from the daily Trouble they had with the Poor, and the
Parishes they lived in, and are discharged from the Invidious
Fatigues of their Settlements, when a great deal of what should have
maintained them, was spent in determining what Parishes were to do it.

I wish it could be said so of the Two Metropolitan Cities of
_England_ and _Ireland_, where such Swarms of Lazy Beggars pester the
Streets, that they are not only Troublesome, but also Nauseous to the
Beholders; And the Church Doors are so crouded with them, that you
can scarce pass to your Devotion; nor do you know when you bestow
your Charity rightly, Those who do not deserve it, taking such
Methods to move Compassion, that you cannot easily distinguish them
from those who do.

And since I have mentioned this Act, and the well Executing thereof
by the first Undertakers, I think it cannot be amiss to set it forth
_Verbatim_ (being never yet Printed, save only some Copies for the
Use of the Corporation) together with the steps whereby the first
Guardians proceeded, and as it was laid before the Parliament _Anno_
1700; which I have done in the Appendix, because it may probably be
of Use to those, who shall be willing to take Pains in a Work of such
Service, both to God and the Publick.

But because this Act was adapted only for Cities and great Towns, and
can’t be a Model for the Counties at large, I will here subjoyn
such Methods as may be proper to carry on this Charitable Design
throughout the whole Kingdom, if Power be given by some Publick Act
of Parliament, for all Places to Incorporate who are willing (but may
not be able to be at the Charge of a Private Act) and to Build, or
otherwise Provide, Hospitals, Work-Houses, and Houses of Correction,
for the better Maintaining and Imploying their Poor, under the
Management of such Corporations; which in the Counties must be by
uniting One or more Hundreds, whose Parishes must be comprehended in
one Poors Rate, and each of them contribute to the Charge thereof,
not by bringing them to an equal Pound Rate on their Lands and
Personal Estates, as in Cities and great Towns, but by Taxing every
Parish according to what it paid before, there not being the same
Parity of Reason for that way of Raising Money in the Hundreds, as
there is in Cities and Towns; because in the former, the Parishes do
not receive an equal Benefit from the Labour of the Poor of other
Parishes, as they do in the latter; which Hospitals, Work-Houses, and
Houses of Correction, to be provided at the General Charge of the
Parshies thus united, according to the Proportion that each of them
pays to the Poor.

The Guardians of these Corporations to consist of all the Justices of
the Peace Inhabiting within the several Parishes thus united,
together with a Number of Inhabitants chosen out of each Parish, in
Proportion to the Sum of Money it Pays; which Choice to be made every
Year, or once in Two Years, when one half of those that were first
chosen must go out, and the Remainder stay in, to Instruct those who
were last chosen; the Electors to be the Freeholders of ### _per
Annum_; and on the Death of any Guardian, another to be chosen in his
Room, by the Parish for which he served.

That the Guardians being thus settled, they shall have Power to chuse
a Governor, Deputy-Governor, Treasurer, and Assistants, Yearly, and
to hold Courts, and make By-Laws, and appoint a Common-Seal; and also
to Summon the Inhabitants to answer to Matters relating to the
Corporation; and to compel all People, who seek for Relief, to dwell
in their Hospitals and Work-Houses, if they see fit; and to take in
Young People of Both Sexes, and breed them up to Work, who they shall
also be obliged to Teach to Write and Read, and what else shall be
thought necessary, and then to bind them out Apprentices; and
likewise to Provide for the Aged and Impotent, and to assist those
whose Labours will not Maintain their Charges, and to apprehend
Rogues, Vagrants and Beggars, and cause them to be set at Work, and
also to inflict reasonable Correction where they see it necessary,
and to entertain proper Officers, and pay them out of the Stock; with
a Clause to secure them from vexatious Suits; And they must be
obliged once in ### at least to hold a General Court, where the
Governor, Deputy-Governor, or one half of the Assistants, together
with such a proportionable Number of the Guardians as they shall
agree on, shall be present.

That the Court shall once in Six Months agree and settle how much
Money will be necessary for Maintaining and Imploying the Poor for
the Six Months next ensuing, and certifie the same to the Justices
inhabiting within the said Hundred or Hundreds, at a Meeting to be
had for that Purpose, who shall proportion the same Regularity in
each Parish, and grant out their Warrants to proper Persons to Assess
the same, and afterwards, other Warrants to Collect, and Pay it to
the Treasurer of the Corporation; with a Power to Inflict Penalties
on the Assessors and Collectors, if they refuse or neglect to do
their Duty, in Assessing, Collecting, and Paying the said Money,
according to their Warrants.

That each Corporation be one Body Politick in Law, and be capable of
Suing and being Sued, and be enabled to Purchase, Take and Receive,
Lands, Tenements and Hereditaments, Goods and Chattles, for the
Benefit of the Poor.

These, or such like Methods, being Rectified by the Wisdom of a
Parliament, will soon appear to be of great Use to the Nation, and
also to the Poor who are truly Objects of Relief; and will also put a
stop to Wandering Vagrants, against whom, every Corporation will then
be a Barrier, and none will expect Charity, but from the Parishes to
which they belong, and who are the most proper Judges whether they do
deserve it.

[Sidenote: Conclusion.]

And thus I have gone through what I Undertook, and have given my
Thoughts of these Two Subjects; wherein I have no other View, than
promoting the Welfare of this Kingdom, by Improving its Trade, and
providing for the Poor in a Regular Method; Both which will tend to
the Honour of His Majesties Government, and the advancing the Wealth
and Prosperity of the Nation.

FINIS.



The Appendix.

Anno Septimo & Octavo

_GULIELMI_ III. Regis.

An Act for Erecting of Hospitals and Work-Houses within the City of
Bristoll, for the better Employing and Maintaining the Poor thereof.


WHEreas it is found by Experience, That the Poor in the City of
_Bristoll_ do daily multiply, and Idleness and Debauchery amongst the
meaner Sort doth greatly Increase, for want of Work-houses to set
them to Work, and a sufficient Authority to Compel them thereto, as
well as to the Charge of the Inhabitants, and Grief of the Charitable
and Honest Citizens of the said City, as the great Distress of the
Poor themselves; for which sufficient Redress hath not yet been
Provided: For Remedy whereof, Be it Enacted by the Kings most
Excellent Majesty, by and with the Advice and Consent of the Lords
Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons in Parliament Assembled, and by
the Authority of the same, That from and after the Twelfth Day of
_May_, which shall be in the Year of our Lord, One thousand six
hundred ninety and six, there be, and shall be, a Corporation to
continue for ever within the said City of _Bristoll_, and the County
thereof, consisting of the several Persons herein after mentioned
(that is to say) of the Mayor and Aldermen for the time being, and of
Eight and forty other Persons, to be Chosen out of the Honestest and
Discreetest Inhabitants of the said City and County, by the Eleven
Wards in the said City, and the Castle Precincts there, which to all
Intents and Purposes, shall be from henceforth for ever a Ward within
the said City (that is to say) Four out of each Ward, and of such
other Charitable Persons as shall be Elected and Constituted
Guardians of the Poor of the said City, in a manner as is herein
after expressed: And the First Eight and Forty Persons shall be
Elected at a Court for that purpose to be held within each Ward, by
the Alderman of the same, or his Deputy, by the Votes of the
Inhabitants of such Ward, Paying One Penny _per_ Week, or more, in
his own Right, for and towards the Relief of the Poor of the said
City, or of the major part of them then present.

And be it further Enacted by the Authority aforesaid, that the said
Eight and Forty Persons shall be chosen in manner, as aforesaid, the
Twelfth Day of _May_ next following, and shall continue in their
Office until others shall be Elected in their Rooms, according to the
Direction herein after mentioned; And in case any of the said Persons
so Elected, or any other Person Elected in their Room, shall, after
their respective Elections, happen to Die, That then it shall, and
may be Lawful to and for the Alderman of the Ward, for which such
Person so Dying was Elected, or his Deputy, at a Court to be held
within the said Ward for that purpose, within the space of Ten Days
next after the Death of such Persons, to Elect others in their Place,
in manner, as aforesaid; which Court and Election, such Alderman, or
his Deputy, is and are hereby required to Hold and Make: Which said
Mayor and Aldermen, and Forty eight Persons, and such other
Charitable Persons, so Elected and Constituted for the time being,
shall be called Guardians of the Poor of the City of _Bristoll_.

And to the intent that the said Guardians so Elected out of the said
Wards may have perpetual Succession, Be it further Enacted by the
Authority aforesaid, That the said respective Aldermen for the time
being, or their respective Deputies, shall and may, and are hereby
required, on the First _Thursday_ in _April_, in every Second Year,
from henceforth, to hold a Court in their respective Wards, and then
and there, by the Votes of the Inhabitants of such Ward, so
qualified, as aforesaid, or of the Majority of them then present, to
Elect and Choose Two of the Honestest and Discreetest Persons out of
the said Inhabitants of the said City, to be Guardians of the Poor of
the said City for the said Ward; which said Two Persons, so Elected,
shall be Guardians, and shall succeed the Two Persons before that
time first Elected, and then being Guardians for the said Ward; and
the said Two Persons so first Elected, shall immediately upon such
Election, and Notice thereof given to them, cease to be Guardians.

And be it Enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That the said Mayor,
Aldermen, Eight and forty Persons, and such other Charitable Persons
Elected and Constituted, as is herein mentioned and expressed, for
the time being, shall for ever hereafter in Name and Fact, be One
Body Politick and Corporate in Law, to all Intents and Purposes, and
shall have a perpetual Succession, and be called by the Name of The
Governor, Deputy-Governor, Assistants and Guardians of the Poor in
the said City of _Bristoll_; And that they shall be Enabled to Plead
and Sue, and to be Sued and Impleaded by that Name, in all Courts and
Places of Judicature within this Kingdom; and by that Name shall and
may, without License in Mortmain, Purchase, Take, or Receive any
Lands, Tenements or Hereditaments, of the Gift, Alienation or Demise
of any Person or Persons, who are hereby, without further Licence,
Enabled to Transfer the same, and any Goods and Chattles whatsoever,
for the Use and Benefit of the Corporation aforesaid. And for the
better Governing of the said Corporation, the said Mayor, Aldermen,
and Eight and forty Persons or the Majority of them, shall have, and
hereby have Authority to meet on the Nineteenth Day of _May_ next
following, in St. _George’s Chapel_ in the said City, or in some
other convenient Place there, and shall on that Day, or any other Day
or Time, that to them shall seem convenient, Elect and Constitute out
of and from amongst themselves, the several Officers following (that
is to say) One Governor, One Deputy-Governor, One Treasurer, and
Twelve Assistants, to continue in the said Office for One Year, and
no longer; and from thenceforth the said Governor, Deputy-Governor,
Assistants, Treasurer, and other Officers, shall Yearly, and every
Year, by the said Mayor, Aldermen, Forty eight Persons, and such
other Charitable Persons as shall be Elected and Constituted as is
herein mentioned and expressed, or the Majority of them, be Elected
and Constituted out of and from amongst themselves, on the Second
_Thursday_ in the Month of _April_, or any other Day or Time, as they
shall think convenient, to continue in their respective Offices for
One Year, and no longer; And the said Mayor, Aldermen, and Forty
eight Persons, and such other Charitable Persons that shall be
Elected and Constituted, as is herein mentioned and expressed, for
the time being, or the Majority of them, shall have Power, in case of
the Death of any such Officer so Elected and Constituted, before
their said Year expired, to Elect and Constitute others in their
Room, to hold the said Office for the Remainder of the said Year, and
shall have Power and Authority at any time or times, for just Cause,
to remove, displace and put out any such Officer out of his said
Office, and to Elect and Constitute another in his Room.

And be it further Enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That the said
Governor, or in his Default, the said Deputy-Governor, or in both
their Defaults, Six of the said Assistants for the time being, shall
have, and hereby have Power and Authority, and are hereby Enjoyned
and Required from time to time, upon the Second _Thursday_ in every
Second Month in every Year, accounting _January_ for the First Month,
to hold and keep a Court or Assembly of the said Corporation within
the said City of _Bristoll_, of One and Twenty of the said Guardians
at least, on the Days and Time, and in manner, and for the ends in
this Act mentioned; (that is to say) The said Governor shall hold the
said Court or Assembly between the Hours of One and Two in the
Afternoon; and in his Default, the said Deputy-Governor, or any Six
of the said Assistants, shall, after the Hour of Two, hold the same;
And also, the said Governor for the time being, shall have, and
hereby hath Power and Authority, at any such other time or times as
to him shall seem meet, to Summon, Assemble and Hold a Court or
Assembly of the said Corporation, upon Two Days Notice or Warning at
the least to be given of such Court or Assembly to be held; And in
case any Twenty of the said Guardians, upon any Emergency, signifying
it under their Hands to the Governor for the time being, That it is
their Desire that an Extraordinary Court or Assembly of the said
Corporation may be Called and Held, the said Governor shall be Bound,
and is hereby Enjoyned and Required to Call and Hold such Court or
Assembly at such time as the said Twenty Guardians shall so desire;
and on his Refusal, the said Deputy-Governor for the time being, on
such signification, shall be Bound, and is hereby likewise Enjoyned
and Required to Call and Hold the said Court or Assembly, and on his
Refusal, any Six of the said Assistants shall have, and hereby have
Authority to Call and Hold the said Court or Assembly; at all which
Courts or Assemblies all and every Member and Members of the said
Corporation for the time being, are hereby Enjoyned to appear and be
present, and not to depart from the same without the Licence of the
said Court or Assembly, on pain to Forfeit such reasonable Sum and
Sums of Money, not exceeding Five Shillings, to the Use of the said
Corporation, as by the said Court or Assembly, or any succeeding
Court or Assembly, shall be Assessed upon them, unless they can shew
some reasonable Excuse to be Allowed of by the said Court or
Assembly; And the said Court or Assembly are hereby Impowered to
Summon to appear before them any of the Inhabitants of the said City
to answer to Matters relating to the said Corporation, who are hereby
Required to appear upon such Summons, and answer such Questions, on
Forfeiture, to the Use of the said Corporation, of a Sum not
exceeding Two Shillings and Six Pence for every Default to be Levied
as is herein after directed.

And be it further Enacted by the Authority aforesaid, Thar the said
Corporation, at the said Court or Assembly, shall have, and hereby
have Power and Authority from time to time to make and appoint a
Common Seal or Seals for the Use of the said Corporation, and to Make
and Ordain By-Laws, Rules and Ordinances for and concerning the
better Governing the said Corporation, and the Poor of the said City,
and shall have, and have hereby Power to Purchase, Buy or Erect an
Hospital or Hospitals, Work-house or Work-houses, House or Houses of
Correction, and to Provide what other Necessaries they shall think
convenient for the Setting to Work the Poor of the said City, of what
Sex or Age soever they be, and shall have, and hereby have Power and
Authority to Compel such Idle or Poor People begging or seeking
Relief, who do not betake themselves to some lawful Imployments, and
such other Poor who do or shall hereafter Receive Alms of the
respective Parishes or Places where they Inhabit or Seek the same, or
by any of the Laws now in force ought to be Maintained or Provided
for by any Parish or Place within the said City, to Dwell and Inhabit
in such Hospital or Hospitals, Work-house or Work-houses, and to do
such Work as they shall think them Able and Fit for; and to detain
and keep in the Service of the said Corporation, until the Age of
Sixteen Years, any Poor Child or Children of the said City, left to
be Maintained by the said City, or any Parish or Place in the same,
or begging or seeking Relief, or which by any of the Laws now in
force ought to be Maintained and Provided for by any Parish or Place
within the said City, or the Child or Children of any other Person or
Persons, that are or shall be willing or desirous to place or put
their Child or Children in such Hospital or Hospitals, until their
said Age of Sixteen Years; and after they shall have attained their
said Age of Sixteen Years or sooner, the said Corporation, by
Indenture, shall have Power to Bind and Put forth such Child or
Children Apprentices, to any Honest Person or Persons within the
Kingdom of _England_, for any Number of Years, not exceeding Seven
Years, as they shall think convenient; which Indenture shall be
binding to such Child or Children.

And be it further Enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That the said
Court or Assembly so Constituted, as aforesaid, shall have, and
hereby have Power to inflict such reasonable Correction and
Punishment on any Poor Person or Persons within the said Hospital or
Hospitals, Work-house or Work-houses, House or Houses of Correction,
that shall not conform to such Rules, Orders and Ordinances so made,
as aforesaid, or misbehave themselves in the same; And that the said
Court or Assembly so Constituted, as aforesaid, shall have, and
hereby have Power to appoint a Committee to consist of One and Twenty
of the Guardians at the least, who, or any Five of them, of which Two
shall be Assistants, shall from time to time, or at any time until
the next Court, have Power to inflict such reasonable Correction and
Punishment, as aforesaid, on any such Poor Person or Persons
offending, as aforesaid.

And for the better Carrying on so Pious and Charitable a Work, be it
Enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That it shall and may be Lawfull
for the said Corporation, in their said Courts or Assemblies, from
time to time, to set down and ascertain what Sum, or Sums of Money
shall be needful for the Building and Erecting of such Hospitals,
Work-houses, or Houses of Correction, so that the same do not exceed
the Sum of Five Thousand Pounds, to be raised within the Space of
Three Years, or any longer time, as to them shall seem meet, by such
Quarterly or other Payments, as they in their discretion shall think
fit; And also from time to time, to Set down and Ascertain what
Weekly, Monthly, or other Sums, shall be needful for the Maintenance
of the Poor in the said Hospital or Hospitals, Work-house or
Work-houses, House or Houses of Correction, or within the Care of the
said Corporation, so that the same do not exceed what hath been Paid
in the said City towards the Maintenance of the Poor thereof, in any
one of the Three last Years; And shall and may, under their Common
Seal, certify the same unto the Mayor and Aldermen of the said City
for the time being; which said Mayor and any Two of the Aldermen, or
any Five of the said Aldermen without the Mayor, may and are hereby
Required from time to time, to cause the same to be Raised and Levied
by Taxation of every Inhabitant, and of all Lands, Houses, Tythes
Impropriate, Appropriation of Tythes, and all Stocks and Estates in
the said City and County of the same, in equal Proportion, according
to their respective Worth and Values: And in order thereunto, the
said Mayor and any Two of the said Aldermen, or any Five of the said
Aldermen without the Mayor, shall have power, and are hereby required
indifferently, to proportion out the said Sum and Sums upon each
Parish and Precinct within the said City, and by their Warrants under
their Hands and Seals to Authorize and Require the Church-wardens and
Overseers of the Poor of each respective Parish and Precinct, to
Assess the same respectively; And after such Assessment made, by like
Warrant under their Hands and Seals, to Authorize the said respective
Church-wardens and Overseers to Demand, Gather, and Receive the same,
and for Non-payment thereof (being Lawfully Demanded) to Levy the
same by Distress and Sale of the Goods of the Offender, restoring the
Surplusage to the Party so Distrained; And if no Distress can be
found, then it shall and may be Lawful to and for the said Mayor, and
any Two of the Aldermen, or any Five of the said Aldermen without the
Mayor, to commit such Offender to Prison, there to remain without
Bail or Mainprize, till the same shall be Paid: And after the same
shall be Received, to Pay the same unto the Treasurer of the said
Corporation for the time being. Provided always, That if any Person
or Persons, Parish or Precinct, find him or themselves to be
unequally Taxed or Assessed, he or they may Appeal to the Justices of
the Peace of the said City and County, at their next General
Quarter-Sessions after such Assessment made and demanded, who shall
and hereby have full Power and Authority, to take and make a final
Order therein.

And for the Encouragement of such as shall be Benefactors to so good
a Design, Be it Enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That if any Man
charitably disposed, shall give One hundred Pounds, or more, towards
carrying on the said Work, It shall and may be Lawful for the said
Corporation, at a Court where there shall be present Three and thirty
of the said Guardians at the least, to elect and constitute such
Charitable Person to be Guardian of the Poor of the said City, and to
continue in the said Office, as long as to the said Corporation shall
seem meet.

And be it further Enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That the said
Corporation shall have the Care of, and provide for the Maintenance
of all the Poor of the said City, of what Age or Kind soever they be,
except such as shall be otherwise sufficiently Provided for by the
charitable Gifts of other Persons, or in Hospitals or Almshouses
within the said City already Erected: And in order thereunto shall
have full Power to Examine, Search and See what Poor Persons there
are come into, Inhabiting and Residing within the said City or any
Part thereof; And shall have Power to Apprehend or cause to be
Apprehended any Rogues, Vagrants, or Sturdy-Beggars, or Idle or
Disorderly Persons within the said City and the County thereof, and
to cause them to be kept and set to Work in the said Work-houses,
Hospitals or Houses of Correction, for the Space of Three Years.

Provided always, and be it Enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That
this Act, or any thing herein contained, shall not any ways extend to
give the said Corporation any Power or Authority over any Almshouse,
or Hospital, or any other Charitable Gift or Use, within the said
City, already Given, Settled or Erected, but that the same shall be
wholly exempted therefrom; Any thing herein to the Contrary
notwithstanding.

And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That the said
Corporation in their said Court or Assembly, shall have hereby Power
to choose and entertain all such other Officers as shall be needful
to be employed in and about the Premisses, and them or any of them,
from time to time to remove as they shall see Cause; and upon the
Death or Removal of them, or any of them, to choose others in their
Place, and to make and give such reasonable Allowances to them, or
any of them, out of the Stock or Revenue belonging to the said
Corporation or Hospitals, as they shall think fit.

Provided always, and be it further Enacted by the Authority
aforesaid, That no Officer or Officers, who shall be Elected, chosen,
Appointed or Employ’d, in the Execution of, or by Virtue of this
Act, or any of the Powers or Authorities thereby given, shall be
liable for or by reason of such Office or Execution, to any of the
Penalties mentioned in an Act made the Five and Twentieth Year of the
Reign of King _Charles_ the Second, for the Preventing the Dangers
which may happen from Popish Recusants.

And it is further Enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That the said
Treasurer for the Time being, and all other Officers belonging to the
said Corporation, Hospitals, Work-houses, or Houses of Correction,
shall, from time to time, before such Person or Persons as the said
Corporation shall thereto appoint, account for such Moneys, Stock,
and other Things belonging to the said Corporation, Hospitals,
Work-houses, or Houses of Correction, as shall come to their
respective Hands, or be under their respective Care, upon every
reasonable Warning and Notice thereof, by the said Corporation to
them respectively given; And on their Neglect or Refusal to Account,
as aforesaid, shall or may be, by the said Mayor, or any Two of the
said Aldermen, committed to the County Goal for the said City and
County of _Bristoll_, there to remain without Bail or Mainprize,
until they shall become conformable, and Account, as aforesaid; And
if upon such Account there shall appear any Thing to be in their
Hands belonging to the said Corporation, Hospitals, Work-houses, or
Houses of Correction, they shall Pay and Deliver the same, as the
said Corporation shall direct, or give such Security for the same, as
the said Corporation shall approve of, on pain to forfeit Double the
Value thereof, to be Recovered by the said Corporation, by Action of
Debt, Bill, Plaint or Information in which no Protection, Essoign, or
Wager in Law, or any more than One Imparlance, shall be admitted or
allowed.

And it is further Enacted, That all other Pains, Penalties and
Forfeitures by this Act appointed, shall be Levied by Distress and
Sale of the Offenders Goods, by Warrant under the Hand and Seal of
the said Treasurer for the time being, Restoring to the Offender the
Overplus.

And be it further Enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That if any
Person or Persons shall be Sued for any Matter or Thing which he
shall do in Execution of this Act, he may plead the General Issue,
and give the special Matter in Evidence: And if the Verdict shall
pass for the Defendant, or the Plaintiff shall be nonsuited, or
discontinue his Suit, the Defendant shall Recover his Treble Costs.
And this Act shall be Taken and be Allowed in all Courts within this
Kingdom as a Publick Act; And all Judges and Justices are hereby
Requir’d, as such, to take Notice thereof, without specially
Pleading the same; And all Mayors, Justices, Sheriffs, Bayliffs,
Constables, and all other Officers and Ministers of Justice, are
hereby Required to be Aiding and Assisting to the said Corporation,
and to such Officers as shall be employed by them, or any of them, in
Execution of this Act, or any of the Powers or Authorities hereby
given.



AN

ACCOUNT

OF THE

PROCEEDINGS

OF THE

Corporation of Bristol,

In Execution of the

Act of Parliament

For the Better

Employing and Maintaining

the

POOR

Of That CITY.



TO THE

Right Honourable

AND

HONOURABLE,

THE

Lords Spiritual and Temporal,

AND

Commons in Parliament

assembled.

May it please your Honours,


I HUMBLY make bold to lay before You an Account of our Proceedings in
the City of _Bristol_, on the Act of Parliament for Erecting
Hospitals and Work-houses for the better Employing and Maintaining
the Poor of that City, which passed in the first Sessions of the
Parliament begun at _Westminster_ the 22d of _November_ 1695. whereby
the Power invested in the Corporation commenced from the 12th of
_May_ 1696.

The first Thing we did was to choose Four Guardians for each of our
Twelve Wards, as the Statute does direct, which, with the Mayor and
Aldermen, amounted to Sixty Guardians, and made up our Court.

The Court being thus constituted, at our first Meeting we chose our
Officers appointed by the said Act, _viz._ a Governor, a
Deputy-Governor, Twelve Assistants, a Treasurer, a Clerk, and a
Beadle.

This being done, we order’d the Guardians who dwelt in each Parish,
to bring in an Account of all the Poor in their respective Parishes,
their Names, Ages, Sexes, and Qualifications. Also an Account of the
Charges expended for maintaining them in each of the last three
Years, that so we might bring it to a _Medium_. We also appointed
certain standing Rules for the better governing our Debates, and
ordered all things done in the Court to be fairly enter’d in a
Journal.

We likewise consider’d which would be most for the advantage of the
Corporation, to build Work-houses, or to purchase such Houses, which
being already built, might be altered and made fit for our purpose.

These things spent much time, and it was about the Month of
_September_ before we could settle the _Medium_ of the Poor’s
Rates, in order to certifie to the Mayor and Aldermen what Sum was
necessary to be Raised on the City for the next Year.

But here we met with an unexpected _Remora_, Mr. _Samuel Wallis_ was
succeeded in his Majoralty by Mr. _J. H._ and this Change made a
great Alteration in our Affairs: For whereas the former had given us
all the Incouragement we could expect from him, and had done us the
honour to be our first Governor, the latter resolved to obstruct us
all he could. And because the power of raising Money was vested in
him and the Aldermen, he absolutely refused to put that Power in
Execution.

This, together with his other Endeavours to Brow-beat the
Corporation, kept us at a stand till _October_ (97.) only our Court
met, and discourst things, and we laboured to keep up the Spirits of
our Friends, who began to sink under these Discouragements, and to
despair of Success, the Work seeming difficult enough in it self; our
undertaking being nothing less, then to put to Work a great Number of
People, many of which had been habited to Laziness and Beggary; to
civilize such as had been bred up in all the Vices that want of
Education could expose them to; and to Clothe, Lodge, and feed them
well, with the same Sum of Money which was distributed among them
when they begg’d, lay in the Streets, and went almost naked.

Yet all this would not have discouraged us, could we have prevailed
on Mr. Mayor to have joyned with us. We often sought it, and he as
often refused us, till his time being expired, his Successor granted
our Request; and then, having lost much time, we were forced to make
large steps.

The first we made was, a Vote to take on us the Care of the Poor of
the City; and as I remember, this Vote passed in _October_ or
_November_ 1697. though we had then no Money raised, nor could we
expect any till after our _Lady-day_ 1698. So that from the passing
that Vote to this time is about two Years.

The next step was to appoint a Committee of Twelve to hear the
Complaints of the Poor, to relieve them, and set them at work; Six
whereof were to go out every Month, and to be succeeded by Six more,
to be chosen by Ballating.

We had formerly obtained from the Mayor and Common Council, in the
Majoralty of Alderman _Wallis_, the Grant of a Work-house, which then
lay unoccupied, and the Court had appointed a Committee to place as
many Girls in it as it would conveniently contain, both as to Lodging
and Working. This is that we called the _New work-house_.

But all things having stood still so long, we resolved now to lose no
more time; yet we had no Money, nor could we expect any in less than
Six Months, from the Poor’s Rates; therefore we resolved to make
our several Loans for Twelve Months without Interest to the
Corporation on the Credit of their Common Seal; in which Design many
of the Citizens lent their Assistance, whereby we became soon Masters
of about Six Hundred Pounds Stock. Likewise our Guardians, who were
appointed to pay the Poor in their several Parishes, voluntarily
advanced their weekly Payments, till they could be reimburst by the
Treasurer. The other Stock we Employed to furnish Beds and other
Necessaries for our House, Clothes and Provisions for our  Children
to be taken in, and Materials for their Working.

We had now Two Committees; one for the Poor, the other for the New
Work-house.

The Committee for the Poor met twice every Week: And in this
Committee we proceeded thus;

_First_, We Voted that the Poor of the City should be visited in
their respective Parishes, and that new Poor’s Rates should be
made; and accordingly we ordered the Guardians of each Parish to
bring together the Poor on a certain day in some convenient Place,
where the Committee met, and without Partiality endeavoured to
provide for every one according to their Wants, We likewise took
notice of all the young Girls that were on our Poor’s Books, and of
such whose Parents took no due Care of them; and these we recommended
to the Committee of the New Work-house, to be taken in, and Employed
by them.

Our Poor’s Rates we made in this manner: Every One that expected
Relief came before us with their whole Families, except such as was
impotent and could not come: In our Books we put down the Name of the
Man, the Woman, and each Child; together with the Qualifications of
all, either as to Age, Health, Civility, &c. what each Person did or
could get by the Week, and in what Employment. We likewise set down
for what Reason the Charity was bestowed, that when that should
cease, or we could find out any other way to provide for it, the
Charity should likewise cease.

Having thus seen the state of all our Poor, and provided for them,
the Committee sat twice a Week in the Publick Court, to hear and
provide for all casual Complaints; which we did in this Manner; We
ordered that the Poor in their respective Parishes, should first
apply themselves to their Guardian or Guardians, who were to relieve
them as they saw fit, till the next Sitting of the Committee, when
they were to bring them up with their Complaints, if they were able
to come; and this we did, lest the Committee (three whereof made a
_Quorum_) should be deceived; who could not be supposed to know the
state of all the Poor in the City, and by this means we had the
Opinion of the Guardian of each Parish; nor could he easily deceive
us, because he brought the Poor with him, and thereby the Committee
became Judges of the Matter laid before them. At these Meetings, care
was taken of the various Cases and Exigencies which offered, and in
all things there was a regard, as much as could be, to put People on
living by their own Labours.

To such as were sick, we gave Warrants to our Physician to visit
them; such as wanted the Assistance of our Surgeons were directed to
them, and all were Relieved till they were able to Work; by which
means the Poor having been well attended, were set at Work again, who
by neglect, might with their Families have been chargeable to the
Corporation; for some we provided Cloaths, for others Work; where we
found People careful, but wanted a Stock to Employ themselves and
their Children, we either lent or gave it; where they wanted Houses,
we either paid the Rent, or became Security for it; where we found
them opprest, we stood by them; where Differences arose, we
endeavoured to compose them; so that in a little time all the
Complaints of the Poor came to this Committee, (which saved our
Magistrates a great deal of trouble) and care was taken that none
went away unheard.

The Committee at first sat twice a Week, but now only once in a
Fortnight; not that we grew slack in the Care of our Poor, but
because their Number being so much abated, by those received into our
several Work-houses, the Business does not require their meeting
oftner.

The other Committee, (_viz._) That for the New Work-house, having
first furnished it in order to receive in the young Girls, began with
such as were recommended to them by the Committee for the Poor; and
this Method hath been generally observed ever since, both by that
Committee, and also by the Committee since chosen for our other
Work-house; not that either of them depends on the other, but because
the first application for Relief is made to the Committee for the
Poor.

But before we took in the Girls, we first considered of proper
Officers to govern them; and these consisted of a Master, whose
Business was to receive in Work, and deliver it out again, and to
keep the Account of the House, &c.

A Mistress, whose Business was to look after the Kitchen and
Lodgings, to provide their Meals at set times, and other things which
related to the Government of the House.

Tutresses to teach them to Spin, under each of which we put Five and
Twenty Girls.

A School-Mistress, to teach them to Read.

Servants in the Kitchen, and for washing, &c. but these we soon
discharged, and caused our biggest Girls to take their Turns every
Week.

We also appointed an old Man to keep the Door, and to carry forth and
fetch in Work, and such kind of Services.

Being thus provided, we received in One Hundred Girls, and set them
to Work at Spinning of Worsted Yarn; all which we first caused to be
stript by the Mistress, Washed, and new Clothed from Head to Foot;
which, together with wholesome Dyet at set Hours, and good Beds to
Lye on, so incouraged the Children, that they willingly betook
themselves to their Work.

We likewise provided for them Apparel for _Sundays_; they went to
Church every Lord’s Day; were taught their Catechisms at home, and
had Prayers twice every Day; we appointed them set Hours for working,
eating, and playing; and gave them leave to walk on the Hills with
their Tutresses, when their Work was over, and the Weather fair; by
which means we won them into Civility, and a love to their Labour.
But we had a great deal of trouble with their Parents, and those who
formerly kept them, who having lost the sweetness of their Pay, did
all they could to set both their Children and others against us; but
this was soon over.

Hitherto things answered above our Expectations; our Children grew
sober, and Worked willingly, but we very much questioned, whether
their Labours at the Rates we were paid, would answer the charge of
their Maintenance; and if not, our great doubt was how we might
advance it, without prejudicing the Manufactures.

To clear the first, we supposed ourselves in a fair way, having
appointed their Diets to be made up of such Provisions as were very
wholesome, afforded good nourishment, and were not costly in Price,
_viz._ Beef, Pease, Potatoes, Broath, Pease-porridge, Milk-porridge,
Bread and Cheese, good Bear, (such as we drank at our own Tables)
Cabage, Carrots, Turnips, &c. in which we took the Advice of our
Physician, and bought the best of every sort. They had three Meals
every day, and as I remember, it stood us (with Soap to wash) in
about Sixteen pence _per_ Week for each of the One hundred Girls. We
soon found the effect of their Change of Living, Nature being well
supported, threw out a great deal of foulness, so that we had
generally Twenty down at a time, in the Measels, Small-pox, and other
Distempers; but by the Care of our Physician, and the Blessing of God
on his Endeavours, we never Buried but Two, though we have had seldom
less than One hundred in the House at any time.

Having thus provided for their Dyets, we next appointed their times
of Working; which in the Summer was Ten Hours and a half every Day,
and an hour less in the Winter; by which means we answered the two
Objections raised against the Poor, (_viz._) That they will not Work,
and that they spend what they get in fine feeding.

But we soon found, that the great cause of begging did proceed from
the low Wages for Labour; for after about Eight Months time, our
Children could not get half so much as we expended in their
Provisions. The Manufacturers, who Employed us, were always
complaining the Yarn was spun course, but would not advance above
Eight pence _per_ Pound for Spinning, and we must either take this,
or have no Work. On the other side, we were labouring to understand
how we might distinguish, and put a Value on our Work, according to
its Fineness. This we did by the Snap Reel, which when we were
Masters of, the Committee made an Order, That the Master should buy
in a Stock of Wool, and Spin it up for our own Accounts, and then
proceeded to set the Price of Spinning by the Snap Reel, wherein we
endeavoured to discourage Course Work, and to Encourage Fine, because
we saw the latter was likely to bring more Profit, not only to the
Poor, but to the Kingdom in general. We likewise ordered some things
to be made up of the several sorts of Yarn, at the Rates we had set
them; and on the whole, we found the Commodities made of fine Yarn,
though they were much better than those made of Course, yet stood us
in little more; because what the one exceeded in the charge of
Spinning, was very much made good in abatement of the Quantity used.
We therefore sent to the Manufacturers, and shewed them what
Experiments we had made; but finding them still unwilling to advance
above the old Rate, the Committee Voted that they would give
Employment to all the Poor of the City, who would make application to
them, at the Rates we offered to work, and pay them ready Money for
their Labour.

We soon found we had taken the right Course, for in a few Weeks we
had Sale for our Fine Yarn as fast as we could make it, and they gave
us from Eight pence to Two Shillings _per_ Pound for Spinning the
same Goods, for which a little before they paid but Eight pence, and
were very well pleased with it, because they were now able to
distinguish between the Fine and the Course Yarn, and to apply each
sort to the use for which it was most proper: Since which, they have
given us Two Shillings and Six Pence _per_ Pound for a great many
Pounds, and we Spin some worth Three Shillings and Six Pence _per_
Pound Spinning.

By this means we had the pleasure of seeing the Children’s Labour
advanced, which a little before I came up, amounted to near Six
Pounds _per_ Week, and would have been much more, but that our
biggest Girls, we either settle forth, or put in the Kitchen; and
those we receive in being generally small, are able to do but little
for some time after.

The encouragement we had received on this beginning, put us on
proceeding further: The Court resolved to purchase a great
Sugar-House, out of the Money directed by the Act to be raised for
Building of Work-Houses, and fit it up for the receiving in the
remainder of the Poor, (_viz._) ancient People, Boys, and young
Children; which was accordingly done, and a Committee was appointed
to manage it. This we called the _Mint Work-House_, because it had
been hired by the Lords of the Treasury for that Use.

The Committee began to take in the Boys in _August_ last; these we
Cloathed, Dyeted, and Governed, much after the same manner as we had
done the Girls, but put them on a different Employment, (_viz._)
Spinning of Cotton Wool, and Weaving of Fustians: We have now about
One Hundred of them together, who settle well to their Work, and
every Day mend their Hands; they get us already Six Pounds _per_
Week; they are likewise taught to Read, and we shall hereafter teach
them to Write.

We next took in our ancient People; and here we had principally a
regard to such as were impotent, and had no Friends to help them, and
to such as we could not keep from the lazy Trade of Begging; these we
Cloathed as we saw they needed, and put on such Employments as were
fit for their Ages and Strengths, having our Eyes chiefly on those to
which they were bred; we found it difficult at first to bend them
down to good Orders, but by degrees we have brought them under
Government.

Then we called in all the Children that were on our Poor’s Books,
and put them under Nurses; those who can speak and go, are carried
down into the School, to learn their A, B, C, &c. As they grow up, we
shall put them into the Working Rooms.

The Boys are kept at a distance from the ancient People, who do also
lodge in distinct Apartments, the Men in several Chambers on one
Floor, and the Women on another; all do something, though perhaps
some of their Labours comes to little, yet it keeps them from
Idleness: Both the Old and Young attend Prayers twice a day, (except
the Bedridden, for whom other Care is taken) and go to Church twice
on _Sun days_.

We have now three standing Committees, (_viz._) For the Poor, for the
New Work-house, and for the Mint Work-house: The first gives all
Directions, and makes all Allowances, for the Poor, without whose
Order no Guardian can act any thing considerable, except in Cases of
absolute Necessity, which at the next Meeting of the Committee he
must give an Account of, and desire their Approbation. The other two
Committees have Power to Act in the Affairs of that Work-House for
which they are chosen: They receive in both Old and Young; they bind
forth Apprentices, Correct, order the Dyet as they please, oversee
the Working, Sell the Manufactures when made, order the Payment of
all Moneys, which cannot be done unless the Note be sign’d by the
Chair-man; and generally direct every thing relating to those Houses.

The Accounts are made up thus: The Treasurers Account is audited
every Year, by a Committee chosen for that purpose; at which time he
is succeeded by another Treasurer, chosen by the Court: The Accounts
of the Guardians who pay the Poor in their several Parishes are
audited every Three Months, by a select Committee chosen likewise by
the Court, and are then paid by the Treasurer: The Accounts for each
Workhouse are audited by the respective Committee every Month, when
the Master adjusts, not only his Account of Cash, but also of each
particular _Specie_ of Goods he hath under his Care, the Ballance
whereof is still carried forward to the next, which when allowed of
is signed by the Chairman: And the Account for each House is so
stated, that it shews at one sight, what the House is indebted; what
Debts are outstanding, and from whom; what Goods remain in the House,
and the Quantity of each _Specie_.

At the making up these Accounts nothing (unless very trivial) is
allowed, for which an Order is not produced, or found entered in our
Books, so that ’tis very difficult to wrong the Corporation of any
thing, if the Guardians should endeavour it.

These Committees keep their Journal Books, wherein all they do is
fairly transcribed, and signed by the Chairman.

This is what at present occurs to my Memory touching our Work-Houses
at _Bristol_; I have been as brief as the nature of the thing would
admit: The Success hath answered our Expectation; we are freed from
Beggars, our old People are comfortably provided for; our Boys and
Girls are educated to Sobriety, and brought to delight in Labour; our
young Children are well lookt after, and not spoiled by the neglect
of ill Nurses; and the Face of our City is so changed already, that
we have great reason to hope these young Plants will produce a
vertuous and laborious Generation, with whom Immortality and
Prophaness may find little Incouragement; nor does our hopes appear
to be groundless, for among Three Hundred Persons now under our
Charge within Doors, there is neither Cursing nor Swearing, nor
prophane Language, to be heard, though many of them were bred up in
all manner of Vices, which neither _Bridewell_ nor Whippings could
fright them from, because, returning to their bad Company for want of
Employment, they were rather made worse then bettered by those
Corrections; whereas the Change we have wrought on them is by fair
means. We have a _Bridewell_, _Stocks_, and _Whipping-Post_, always
in their sights, but never had occasion to make use of either.

What is done in that City, I humbly hope may be carried on by the
same steps throughout the Kingdom; The Poor may be set at Work, their
Wages advanced without danger to our Manufactures, and they thereby
enabled to live on their own Labours, whereby the Charge of the
Poor’s Rates may be saved, and a great many worthy Benefactors
encouraged to give, when they shall see their Charity so well
disposed of. This I have great reason to hope, because we have had
near One Thousand Pounds freely given to us within the compass of one
Year, and much thereof by Gentlemen who dwelt at a Distance from us,
only were willing to Encourage a Work they saw likely to be carried
on, which might be of good Example to the Nation.

    I am,

    Right Honourable

    and Honourable,

    Your Honours most

    Obedient Servant

    JOHN CARY.



AN

ESSAY

Towards Setling a

NATIONAL CREDIT.

First Published in the Year, MDCXCVI.



To the Right Honourable the LORDS Spiritual and Temporal, and to the
Honourable the Commons of ENGLAND in Parliament Assembled.


HAVING lately presented your Honours with _An Essay on Coin and
Credit_, the chief Design whereof was to shew the Necessity of
Setling a well-grounded Credit in this Nation, for Support of the
Government, and carrying on its Trade; I do now with all Humility lay
before you Proposals to answer that end, which I have not clogg’d
with Compulsion to the Subject, supposing nothing of this Nature can
be good, where a Common Consent, grounded upon Interest, doth not
make it valuable.

Banks, as I humbly conceive, ought chiefly to be Calculated for the
Use of Trade, and modeled so as may best content the Traders. What
gives them Satisfaction, will answer all other Occasions of the
Kingdom. Money passes through the Hands of the Nobility and Gentry,
only as Water doth through Conduit-Pipes into the Cistern, but
Centers in the Hands of Traders, where it Circulates, and may be said
to be used; and among these, Ease, Profit, and Security, are
Arguments strong enough to keep a Bank always full; Besides, when the
Streights of the Government are taken off, greater Sums will come
into Trade, which are now drawn out, in order to make Advantages,
above what the Profits of Trade will bring in.

The Heads whereon I propose to build this National Credit, are these
which follow:

That a Bank be Erected on the Credit of the Parliament, the Profit or
Loss thereof to redound to the Nation, whose chief Chamber shall be
setled in _London_, but lesser Chambers in other Places of this
Kingdom, at such Distances, as may best Answer the Occasions of the
Country; which Chambers to account with that of _London_, and that to
Commissioners appointed by Parliament.

That this Bank shall take in what running Cash shall be offered, and
shall give their Notes for it; and shall also allow Interest after
the Rate of ### _per Cent. per Annum_, after the first ### days, till
those Notes be paid, and shall also pay it again to the Proprietors,
or any part thereof, when demanded.

That if any Man puts in his Money for a time certain, not less then
### Months, he shall receive Interest from the time of paying it in,
to the time he is repaid.

That this Bank shall let out any Sum again on reasonable Security,
either Real, Personal, or Goods, receiving Interest after the Rate of
### _per Cent. per Annum_, till the Borrower shall think fit to pay
it in, which he shall do, by such Parts as will best suit his
Occasions, and be discharged from the Interest of what he so pays,
and only pay after the Rate aforesaid, for so much as doth remain in
his hands.

That Lombards be Erected to attend this Bank, for the Benefit of
Traders, under Regulations, which may encourage Trade.

That for the Benefit of Returns, the Notes given in any one Chamber
of this Bank, shall be demandable in any other, together with the
Interest due till payment, the Receiver allowing for such Returns
after the Rate of ### for each Hundred pounds, in the Chamber where
he receives his Money.

That to prevent Counterfeits, all Notes given out at any Chamber,
shall be made payable to ### or Order, and Assigned from one to
another, each Assigner to be Warrantee for the Note, both to the
Bank, and also to every later Assignee.

That these Notes shall be taken by the King in all Payments, which
will make them currant among the Subjects.

That this Bank do supply the King with all Loans at ### _per Cent._
Interest _per Ann._ from the time of borrowing to the time the Money
is paid in again, and that it hath the Taxes, or Funds settled by Act
of Parliament, for its Security.

That all Debts Contracted to this Bank, shall be of the same Nature
with Debts Contracted to the King, and be first paid out of the
Estates of the Debtors; and that Extents shall lye accordingly.

That an Account be kept of Profit and Loss in each Chamber, together
with the Charges of the Officers, &c. And that it be return’d up
every Three Months, as also Account Current, to the Grand Chamber in
_London_, where the whole shall be Examined by the Commissioners, and
they be liable to the inspection of the Parliament.

That Registers for Lands be erected in all Counties, &c. where
desired, by Act of Parliament.

That Bills be past on the Bank by such as are appointed to buy for
the Publick Use of the Nation, payable at the time of their
Agreement; by which means every one will endeavour to Furnish the
Government Cheapest, when their payments shall be punctual; the King
will save a great deal of Moneys, paid now for Procuration, Excessive
Interest, &c. and the Fleet and Army will be well paid.

That the Commissioners do once every Year at least, make up the
Accounts depending between the Publick and the Bank, allowing ###
_per Cent._ Interest as before; and make application to the
Parliament for its Reimbursement.

That Bills and Bonds be made Assignable by Law, and the Property be
thereby transfer’d to the Assigne.

That Trustees may put the Money belonging to _Orphans_ into this
Bank, which shall be a discharge to them for so much of their Trust,
the Interest to be duly issued out for the maintenance of the said
_Orphans_; and that all Plate and Bullion belonging to the said
_Orphans_ be by the Trustees Coined up at the next Mint, and the
Money put into the Bank for the use of the said _Orphans_.

That the Money in this Bank be freed from Taxes.

Concerning which Credit I shall briefly speak to these Four Things.

I. First, _Its Security_.

II. Secondly, _Some of those Advantages the Nation will reap by it_.

III. Thirdly, _I shall make some Comparison between this Credit, and
the present Bank of_ England.

IV. Fourthly, _I shall set forth the necessity of setling the Nations
Credit in this present Sessions_.

I. As to the _First_, It hath the Legislative Power of the Kingdom of
_England_ for its Foundation, a Security strong enough, and nothing
else can be so, to build this Great Superstructure upon, the well
Modeling whereof, will keep it from being subject to the Designs of
Private Persons; This will last so long as the Peoples Liberties
last, for no Change can weaken it, so long as the People of _England_
have a hand in making their own Laws, whose Common Interest will be
so Riveted and Made up with the Security of this Bank, that they will
in a short time become one thing, so that nothing less than a
Conquest will be able to shake it; This we cannot fear from any
Nation besides the _French_, nor from them neither, till _Holland_ is
first subdued; therefore, as those States must first truckle, so far
will our Bank be more secure than theirs; _France_ cannot Erect a
Bank on any sort of Security, because, the Will of that Prince being
his Law, alters according to his present Occasions; Nor can _Spain_
do it; where, not only the Government, but also the Profits thereof,
are divided amongst its Ministers; As for _Sweden_, _Denmark_ and
_Portugal_, the Princes of _Italy_ and _Germany_, few believe their
Circumstances to be such, as to Render them capable of Erecting a
Bank, which may draw the Eyes of _Europe_ to look towards it;
_England_ only can do it, for as an easie Government is its own
Security, so that Security encourages Trade, and these two,
accompanied with the Profits offered to a Running Cash, will make all
_Europe_ desire to settle their Moneys here.

Seeing then, that nothing but the same Power which first Constituted
this Bank can destroy it, (a Power with whom we Intrust our Lives,
Liberties, and Estates) I cannot see the least Room left for
distrust; for what Advantage can any future Parliament expect by a
design of seizing this Bank, when the Treasure thereof may be drawn
out, whilst they are framing the Law; and the Consequence will be,
the Ruining their own Estates, for which they can promise nothing to
themselves, save the being possest of Empty Papers.

What farther Hazard the Nation can run, must proceed from the Neglect
of the Managers, or the Fraud of under Officers, which, Care in the
First, and Security for the Last, will prevent.

II. The next Thing is to shew the Advantages which _England_ will
reap by Setling the Credit here proposed; whereof some do Immediately
attend it, others are Consequential.

Those which Immediately attend it, are,

1st, The Rate of Interest will hereby be brought lower, to the
Advance of our Lands, and Encouragement of our Trade, by Methods
altogether as Profitable to the Usurer, who will be willing to let
his Money Cheaper, when it shall never lye dead without his Consent,
his Security be unquestionable, and freed from the Charges of
litigious Suits, which so frequently accompany doubtfull Mortgages.

2dly, Both Gentlemen and Traders will hereby be supplied with Money
to serve their Occasions, on such reasonable Security as they are
able to give, when that Security shall be strengthned, by having the
Preheminence above all other Obligations; They may also have liberty
to pay it in by such Proportions, as they can best spare it, when it
shall be equally the Interest of the Bank to receive it so, which
will never want new opportunities to let it out again.

3dly, This Credit will give us an Esteem in Foreign Parts, Draw their
Moneys hither, and consequently their Trade, and thereby their
People, all which will be an Advantage to _England_.

4ly, It will supply the Government with Money to carry on the War on
Moderate Interest, and make its Credit good; whereby the Publick
Revenues will Reach farther to serve its Occasions, and the Ministers
of State be freed from many anxious Thoughts, which now make them
Uneasie.

5ly, It will make Returns from place to place in _England_ both Cheap
and Certain, which will help our Inland Trade, and prevent Robberies,
now too much encouraged by travelling with Money; It will also be
profitable to our Foreign Trade, by bringing Exchanges low in our
favour.

6ly, The Frauds put on the Country by Counterfeit Notes will be
prevented; for though the method of Indentures and Stained Paper now
used by the Bank of _England_, may be a Security to it self, yet it
is not so to any one else, seeing Art is able to Counterfeit every
thing, at least so like, as not to be easily discover’d: Now, what
Satisfaction will it be to those who have received their Notes
instead of Money, to be told by the Managers that they are
Counterfeit, when they know not where, nor from whom to get
Reparation; whereas being Assigned from Man to Man, they are taken on
the Credit of the Assignor, who runs no other risque thereby, save
his Warrant that they are truly what he pays them for.

7ly, This Bank will be free from Stock-Jobbing, the Bane of all good
Designs, which will find no room here, because it cannot be divided
into private and particular Interests.

The Consequential Advantages will be these,

1st, By this means the Taxes for carrying on the War the ensuing
Year, together with the Twenty five hundred and Sixty four Thousand
Pounds, which fell short on the Salt Fund, may be raised, by Methods,
wherein the Kings Revenue, and the Peoples Profits, shall go hand in
hand, without Anticipations.

2ly, The Funds now setled on our Manufactures, which discourage our
Trade, and Ruin our Poor, may be sunk and taken off; such as those on
the _Glass-makers_, _Tobaccopip-makers_, _Distillers_, and others,
many whereof have yielded little to the Government, above the Charge
of Collecting, and the best of them have done great mischief to our
Trade; Now seeing these are only so many several Modus’s of raising
Money, those methods must doubtless do Best, which least Injure our
Trade.

3ly, The Debt due to the Transport-Ships may be paid off, and those
People, to whose Early Loyalty the Reduction of _Ireland_ is very
much owing, be Contented.

4ly, The Mints may be kept Imployed, and the Kingdom thereby filled
with Coin.

5ly, Our Wooll may be kept at home, which I humbly conceive can never
be done, till a good Credit be settled, any thing less will not be
large enough to cover the Sore Intended to be Cured.

6ly, The Plantation Trade may be better secured, especially that of
Tobacco, and Methods may be proposed to Render it more Profitable,
both to the King, and also to the Subject.

7ly, The Bank of _England_’s Notes may be brought to Par, and
Tallies of all sorts in a short time be paid off at their full Value,
which I humbly conceive will be difficult to be done, any other way,
the settling a Credit on either, or grafting them both together, seem
improbable Methods to answer those ends.

I humbly hope to make Proposals in this present Sessions for putting
these into Practise, if a good Credit be timely setled.

Besides these, many other Advantages will accrue to the Nation, many
of which I have set forth in my before Recited Essay on Coin and
Credit. Pag. 27, 28, 29.

III. The Third thing is to make some Comparison between the Credit
here proposed, and the present Bank of _England_; which I humbly
conceive is so shaken in its Reputation, as hath rendred it uncapable
to be made the Foundation of a National Credit; and whilst we labour
to recover it, we may run the hazard of destroying our Trade,
disturbing the Government, and keeping our selves under a lingring
War, whilst we Encourage the _French_ King, to try his Utmost
Efforts, hoping, that our Difficulties at home, will force us to
accept of a dishonourable Peace.

’Tis certain, Nothing can be the Support of a National Credit,
which is not better, or at least so good as Money; and this is not to
be found in the Bank of _England_, whose Notes whilst they are One
_per Cent._ worse than Specie, will always keep their Coffers Empty,
because no Man will put into it a Hundred Pounds in Money, when he
can purchase a Note of the same Value for Ninety Nine; and the
Consequence will be this, that the Lender, or rather the Jobber, will
never rest till he is repaid, that so he may be making advantage by a
New Purchase; And if this will be the effect of a Credit worse only
by one _per Cent._ than Money, what will it be when ’tis sunk to
Sixteen; Whereas, on the other side, when a Credit is better than
Money, the Coffers will ever be full, because all Men will endeavour
to put in their Money, and be impatient till ’tis done; And thus it
will be, when the Lender thinks himself secure, and makes more Profit
by having his Money in the Bank then in his Chest, who will therefore
receive out no more at a time, then his necessities shall require,
and for the same Reason, those to whom he pays it, will endeavour to
return it thither again so soon as they can.

IV. As to the Fourth thing Proposed, The necessity the Nation lies
under to have its Credit setled this present Sessions, it will
appear, if we consider, how _London_ now stands in Competition with
all _England_ besides, as to the Specie of Money, and how it will
stand before another Sessions; ’Tis generally agreed, that about
One Moiety of the Money of _England_ is already Center’d in that
great City, and the rest is not enough to pay the Debts owing to it,
together with his Majesties Revenues, Bonds already entered into, and
Taxes now to be given, for Six Months longer, besides the Foreign
Bills, which are generally made payable there, all which must be
returned in Specie; for though by an Act of this present Sessions:
Intituled, _An Act for the farther Remedying the ill State of the
Coin of this Kingdom_, it is among other things Provided, That all
Money that shall be brought in upon Account of Taxes, or Revenues, or
Loans, at Five Shillings and Eight Pence _per_ Ounce, shall be
carryed to the next adjacent Mint, in order to be Recoined, yet this
will no way be Serviceable to the Country, unless a Credit be setled,
it must otherwise be sent up to _London_ after Coined, for want of
Returns, the Debts due to the Country being paid there in Bank, which
is Sixteen _per Cent._ worse than Money, and those due from the
Country demanded in Specie, so that the Money of _England_ is every
Week brought up thither; and then, if it be next considered, what
Methods are left to the Country, to draw it back again, _viz._ by
Provisions and some few other things, ’twill be reasonable to
believe, that seeing the supply made from that City to the Country is
greater than what is made from the Country thither, all the Cash of
_England_ will Center there in a short time, to the Ruining of the
other Trading Cities, and disabling of the Country to pay future
Taxes; and this will make the dependence on _London_ still greater,
till by its own Bloatiness it must at last burst, when the Estates of
the Traders shall consist only in Debts due from the Country, which
must still lye out, for want of a Specie to pay them in; so that all
the Advantage _London_ will receive is, that it will be last Ruined.

Now if a good Credit be settled out of Hand, and the Mints continued
in the Country, the Money that is now there may be still kept there,
and Methods found out to increase it, and the Trade of _England_
carryed on with an equal Circulation in all places; this will keep up
the Rents of the Lands of _England_, which must otherwise fall in
their Values, suitable to the distance they stand in from that great
Metropolis.

If it be Objected, That the Management of this Credit will be very
costly to the Nation; I humbly conceive, that the Profits thereof
will not only support its Charge, but also bring in a great Overplus,
which may be usefully Imployed to the Nations Advantage; yet were
this Objection true, nothing can be termed good Husbandry which
spoils our Trade, the stopping whereof but for one Month, will be
many Millions lost to the Kingdom.

If by Rectifying this, or any better Proposal from a more thinking
Head, the Credit of the Nation may be setled in this present
Sessions, I have Reaped the End I Aimed at, the Good and Welfare of
my Native Country; which I Humbly submit to your Honours great
Wisdom, and shall be Ready to Explain any thing that may seem
doubtful, when I am thereto Commanded.

    Your Honours

    Most Obedient Servant,

    JOHN CARY.
	 	January 5th, 1696.



SOME

CONSIDERATIONS

Relating to the carrying on

The Linnen Manufacture

In the KINGDOM of

IRELAND.

First Published in the Year, MDCCIV.



SOME

CONSIDERATIONS

Relating to

The Linnen Manufacture

In the Kingdom of

IRELAND.


THE Linnen Manufacture in _Ireland_, being a Subject so much
discours’d of the last Sessions of Parliament, I humbly presume to
offer some Thoughts how it may best be carried on.

But before I enter upon it, I will Consider the State of that
Kingdom, with respect to its Foreign Trade; the Ballance whereof I
take to be against them, and must therefore be Supplied, by carrying
out their Coin, which is already grown so Scarce, that ’tis to be
fear’d, in a short time there will be little left.

To explain this, I will lay down some of those steps, by which the
Ballance of Trade, daily Alters to their Prejudice.

Ist, The great fall of their Products, _viz._ Wool, Tallow, Hides,
Beef, &c. which are abated in their Prices above one Third of what
they yielded before the War; so that should the same Quantities of
those Commodities be bought up for Exportation, as formerly there
were, yet they would not amount to the Value they then did.

IIly, The Ports of _Spain_, _France_, and _Flanders_, which were
their Great Markets, being now shut against them, the Profits which
they made by their Foreign Trade in the times of Peace, over and
above the first value of the Commodities exported, are also lost to
the Kingdom.

IIIly, The Prohibiting the Exportation of their Woollen Manufactures,
whereby their People were Employed, and their Labours sold to Foreign
Nations, hath very much lessened the Ballance of their Foreign Trade.

IVly, The great Sums of Money spent in this Kingdom by the Nobility
and Gentry of _Ireland_, who come over hither for Pleasure, or
Necessary Attendances, on the Court, Parliament, or Private Affairs,
and send hither their Children for Education; the Purchases they have
lately made of the Forfeited Estates; and the yearly Remittances
thence for the Rents of Lands belonging to the Nobility and Gentry of
this Kingdom, do all make against them.

Vly, The great Consumption of Commodities among them from this
Kingdom, which, though it Encreases our Trade, and makes it our
Interest to Support that Kingdom, must be allowed to be a Prejudice
to them.

All which being laid together, it seems apparent to me, that the
Ballance of their Trade must every Year grow more against them, till
their Mony is drawn away, except some New Manufacture, fit for
Exportation, be Encouraged amongst them.

And I think none more proper than that of Linnen; which, besides the
Employment it will give to their Poor, will also take up large Tracts
of Land for Raising of Hemp and Flax; and being a Manufacture no way
Interfering with our own, we may take it from them, in Barter for
what they have hence, without any Manner of Prejudice to the Trade of
this Kingdom.

Besides, The People of _Ireland_, being Employed on the Linnen
Manufacture, would by degrees be taken off from making so much
Worsted and Woollen Yarn as they now do, which they send hither at
Cheaper Rates than we are able to make ’em; The Price of Labour in
all Places being according to the Prices of Privisions, and those
according to the Rents of Lands, the Poor can afford to work there on
lower Terms than it can be expected they shou’d do here; On the
other side, if the low Labour of the Poor of _Ireland_, was
Employ’d on Spinning of Linnen Yarn, it would be an Advantage to
the Kingdom of England, to have it sent hither, because it would
Enable us to make our Fustions, and other Manufactures, where it is
used, Cheaper than now we do; whilst our own Poor might be Employed
on Spinning of Wool; and we might Afford to give them better Wages,
without fear of being Beat out of our Manufactures by any other
Nation, provided Care was taken to keep our Wool at Home.

The next thing to be Considered is, how this Work may be best carried
on; which I am of Opinion, must be done by a Corporation, with a
Joint-Stock, Sufficient, not only to buy up what Linnens shall be
made, but also to furnish the Kingdom with Money on Easy Terms; which
will likewise Encourage the Raising of Hemp and Flax.

If the High Rates of Interest in _Ireland_ be considered, and the
present State of the Linnen Manufacture there, ’twill not be
Difficult to see, how Unlikely it is to be carried on by Private
Stocks, who can make Ten _per Cent. per Annum_, by letting out their
Money; ’tis true, the late Act hath reduced it to Eight, but that
Act, having no regard to Incumbrances entred into before the 25th of
_March_, 1704, I do not see, how it will much help the People of
_Ireland_ at this time, when the Scarcity of Money does Disable them
to Discharge Prior Engagements; so that private Men have
Opportunities enough to settle theirs at Ten _per Cent._ which in all
probability they will rather Chuse, than to lay it out in Linnens,
unless they can be Assured of a far greater Profit, than they can
make by letting it out.

Besides, as Interest is now managed, ’tis both a Clog to the
Gentlemen’s Estates, and a Discouragement to Traders and
Manufacturers, considering, that the whole Sum borrowed must be paid
in at once; by which means, being got into the Usurer’s Books, they
can scarce ever find the way out; Now if the Borrower had Liberty to
pay in the Principle, by such Parts as he is able to raise it, and
the Interest for so much to Cease from that time, this would
Encourage Industry, and Promote Improvements, both in Product and
Manufactures, which are the two things that encrease the Wealth of a
Nation.

An Infant-Manufacture must be Carried on at a Small Profit, and must
as I may say, Fight its way through; which cannot be done, where
Interest carries such a Load with it; and therefore I am of Opinion,
that Nothing less than a Joynt Stock, can make _Ireland_ Flourish;
which will in the Consequence turn likewise to the Advantage of
_England_; the Gentlemen of _Ireland_, being by these Means made more
Easy in their Circumstances, and having their Former Incumbrances
brought Lower, will Spend more of their Money here, and Wear more of
our Manufactures there.

Nor will this way of Lending out Money be any Disadvantage to a
Corporation, who will find fit Opportunities of Employing their
Stock, as fast as it is paid in; and the Profits thereof being
Returned hither in Linnens, they may Afford to sell them Cheaper,
than Private Stocks can do.

But I do not think this Work can be presently Brought about; ’twill
not be Easy to Perswade the Landlords nor Tenants of _Ireland_, to
leave off the way of Husbandry they are now upon, and to Turn their
Lands to Hemp and Flax, till they see some Encouragement; But when
they shall find this New Product bring Ready Money, they will soon
Set upon it; if the Manufacturer receives Ready Money for his Cloath,
he will be able to pay Ready Money both for Materials and Labour,
which Circulation will Encourage both the Farmer and the
Manufacturer; and by Degrees, Hemp and Flax-seed will be Sowed in all
Lands Proper for them, and the Owners will soon see the Difference,
between Raising Commodities, for which there is a Present Demand, and
such, as lye on their Hands; For though _Ireland_ may in time Produce
greater Quantities of Hemp and Flax than they can Work up, yet not
more than _England_ may Take off, without Prejudice to any Foreign
Trade we drive; and their Number of Hands, will in all probability be
Encreased by the _French_ Refugees, who will be Glad to go thither,
where they may be Employed in a Manufacture, so natural to them as
Linnen is; which will also give a Fatal Blow to the Kingdom of
_France_ in that Manufacture.

The People in the North of _Ireland_ make good Cloath, sell it at
Reasonable Rates, and wou’d every Year make much more, had they a
Vent for it; And it is to be observed, that Money is not Plentier,
nor Rents paid better, in any part of _Ireland_, than there.

The Rents of _Ireland_ grow due at two Times of Payment, _viz._ 1st
of _May_, and 1st of _November_; the first becomes payable whilst
their Cattle are Lean, which puts the Tenants under great Straits,
and forces them to sell very low, if they are prest for Money; but
the Second Payment is more easily made, their Fat Cattle being sold,
and their Harvest over; This is the State of that part of the Kingdom
that depends on Feeding and Tillage; but where the Linnen Manufacture
is, the Tenants are much easier; they Spin in the Winter Nights, and
at other leisure times, which being wove into Cloath, and whiten’d
early in the Year, provides Money for their first Payment, without
selling their Cattle before fatted for a Market.

It is necessary for a New Undertaking, to be attended with some lucky
Accident; the Linnen Manufacture can never be begun in _Ireland_ at a
more seasonable time than now, being Imported hither Custom Free,
when all the other Linnens of _Europe_ pay considerable Duties.

The Gentlemen of _Ireland_ at this time seem to be Discontented, they
find themselves Uneasy, but cannot tell where the Sore lies;
therefore, sometimes they Complain of one thing, and sometimes of
another; but the true Ground of all is this; Their Exports are
lessened, whilst their Imports encrease upon them, and the Specie of
their Money decreases every Day; by which means their Rents come in
slowly, their Products fall on their Hands, and will more, as they
encrease above their Expence; so that their Improvements rather turn
to their Disadvantage; and their Lands must fall (which ’tis our
Interest to keep up) unless some new Product be encouraged, which may
be Manufactured amongst them; If this was done, They would soon see
where their Interest lay; and tho’ I do not believe they would all
fall on sowing Hemp and Flax, nor is it necessary they should, yet
there would be so much Land turn’d that way, as might restrain
their other Products, within the compass of their Exports, and Home
Consumption, and cause a Circulation of Money through all parts of
the Kingdom.

This will give a greater Employment to the Poor of _Ireland_, and
Encourage People to settle among them, without any manner of
Prejudice to _England_; and Create a mutual Friendship, and a
profitable Correspondence, between both Kingdoms.

And as the Establishing such a Fund will be an Advantage to that
Kingdom, so it will bring a considerable Profit to the Undertakers,
besides the Benefit which may arise from it to the Government, during
the Continuance of this War.

    JOHN CARY.

    London, July 18th. 1704.





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